tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-86766452436231923512024-03-18T21:50:50.736-07:00THE MUSLIMBIMONTHLY MAGAZINEthe muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.comBlogger22125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-43907923438573920632008-09-20T07:59:00.000-07:002008-09-20T08:02:46.748-07:00COVER PAGE OF October - November 2008<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhL13-WjG2d7CSv84VsCPi0yTlgHxnEV73MiGIECbLKsEVK01DviWR1yLr68d72DJ6kw0hjp_PRaC5840jAyAoOZy1TaNgRnRHYUR61YiT9Umiq2JXR71oAR8Z2YRNk8PV7MUOYg000A2A/s1600-h/13.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248118733388933010" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 396px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 561px; TEXT-ALIGN: center" height="320" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhL13-WjG2d7CSv84VsCPi0yTlgHxnEV73MiGIECbLKsEVK01DviWR1yLr68d72DJ6kw0hjp_PRaC5840jAyAoOZy1TaNgRnRHYUR61YiT9Umiq2JXR71oAR8Z2YRNk8PV7MUOYg000A2A/s320/13.jpg" width="330" border="0" /></a><br /><div></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-50644806954328595072008-09-20T07:55:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:58:47.490-07:00BLACK SHADOWS OF SIX DECADE'S NATIONAL POLITIC'S<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjL7x127KkGkUhR_EHSm2KBQj82aQ6NaDb_BvYDUiIWxbdy2ZaES8zdO8PacWpcIFC2_CMe7fXGR5RLfWOiMO9DFVcdSreZIuL7LAg_mDCrwIzqWjbdabJ8058yjGqS-HalvG4nAD_zc78/s1600-h/12.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248117718218086754" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 554px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 173px; TEXT-ALIGN: center" height="110" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjL7x127KkGkUhR_EHSm2KBQj82aQ6NaDb_BvYDUiIWxbdy2ZaES8zdO8PacWpcIFC2_CMe7fXGR5RLfWOiMO9DFVcdSreZIuL7LAg_mDCrwIzqWjbdabJ8058yjGqS-HalvG4nAD_zc78/s320/12.jpg" width="464" border="0" /></a>EDITOR : KHASIM SAAB<br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffcc33;">Dalits and Muslims are the major communities and pillars of our Indian democracy. The simple reason is that, these communities are active participants of our electoral politics. No political party can form government without the vote of these communities. One can say that these communities are the major decision-makers as voters played and also playing an important role in every election but the social and political status and conditions of these communities are very pathetic.<br />According to the population, Muslim community comprises of 13.4% of population major minority community. But the six decades of post independent India and the ruling class has betrayed and denied social justice to the largest minority of the country. It has been seen and witnessed inadequate representation in education, employment, land owning And Politics compare to the population.<br />Many intellectuals and progressive groups of this country raised their concern and voice against this and governments made some efforts to understand the grave realities of this community. Many studies have been conducted so far to understand the realities and problems of this community. The noteworthy study in this regard conducted in 19th century by British ruler Man Stuart Elphinson. He opined that, within Muslims there are many backward communities; special development package is needed to uplift the community. In 1935 Indian government made an act for reservation for Dalit Muslims as reservation given to Hindu Dalits.<br />The late Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi formed a 10 member commission then called as Dr. Gopalsingh commission to study the status and conditions of Muslim minorities and Dalits in India. This commission has submitted report on June 14th, 1983 and reported that, Muslims and dalits are having feeling of under representation and social, economical and social disparities compare to others. This feeling should be wiped out from the mindset by providing facilities and opportunities to participate in the main stream.<br />The implementation of Mandal commission report in 1983 was made some impact on the community and the conditions of the community improved a little. In 2004 UPA government Prime minister Mr. Manmohan Singh appointed a commission comprises of 7 members, under the chairmanship of Justice Rajendra Sachar to study the conditions of muslims in India with respect to educational, economical, social conditions. Sachar commission has submitted a detailed report with 16 recommendations on 17th of November 2007. Prime minister presented this report in the parliament on November 30, 2007. Sachar report is consisting of 12 chapters and 478 pages, this commission traveled across India mainly 13 states, where majority of the Muslims are located. Sachar commission also reported the feelings of Muslim minorities.<br />The irony of the situation is up to 2001 census no government or other institutions have documented on the representation in various sectors. No attempts made to present or project the grave realities of the situation of Muslims with respect to backwardness in front of the governments. This community not only backward in education it is very backward too in employment sector. 94.9% of population is comes under below poverty line and 60% of the population is again land less.<br />Representation in police department is 6%, in health department 6.4%, in transport 4.5% and railway 4.5%. But among this representation 98.7% comes under the category of 3 and 4. The representations in higher services like IPS 4%, IAS 3% and in IFS 1.8%. Compare to the population this representation is very low, the population is 13.4% and the representation is only 4.9%.<br />It is quite natural that, the community which is backward in education and employment will comes under the clutches of poverty. In some states it is very backward then the dalits. Understanding this problem is very important, because it is not only the Muslim issue rather it is a question of social justice of the larger society. Inadequate representation and inadequate opportunities for any community is inhuman. There is a necessity that, the available opportunities and resources should be distributed equally among all the communities based on the population and the representation in government sectors also should be based on population if not how can we call our system is democratic.<br />All the political parties have used muslims as votebank and most of the political parties are posing themselves as the liberators and pro muslims but it is not true, just for vote sake these parties may do several things. Its the responsibility of the Muslim intellectuals And social activits to create awareness on the issues related to backwardness and bring social change within the community it is also responsibility of the believers of social justice of the larger society. - Khasim sab. A</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-69121195986276525752008-09-20T07:53:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:54:48.726-07:00Demand immediate implemetation of : JUSTICE RANGANATH MISHRA COMMISSION REPORT<div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#ffff33;">- V.J. George, National Convenor<br />National Council of Dalit Cristians, Chennai</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims are gravely agitating over the delay in extending Scheduled Caste (SC) status to them for more than five decades. Owing to the continuous struggleby the Dalit Christians and Muslims, the Central Government entrusted to the ‘National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities’ headed by Justice Ranganath Misra to study the issues relating to Para 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) order 1950.<br /><br />After a detailed study on the issue the Misra Commission has strongly recommended the deletion of Para 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Caste) order 1950. The Commission said that this order violates the secular fabric of our country and the Constitution in letter and spirit. It also underlined the fact that Freedom of Conscience and Religious freedom is a Fundamental Right of every citizen. It pointed out that almost all Indian communities, irrespective of religion, share the existence of Caste as a social phenomenon. It further said that differential treatment of SC status on the basis of religion is unreasonable and unrealistic.<br /><br />Accepting the just demand the Dalit Christians and Muslims, Dr.Buta Singh,Chairman of the ‘National Commission for Scheduled Castes’ has recommended SC status to Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims. Later on ‘National Minorities Commission’ and ‘National Backward Classes Commission’ were also recommended the same. It must also be noted that the Sikhs and Buddhists of SC origin were granted SC status in 1956 and 1990 respectively by an ordinary Bill simple majority. The same formality must be adopted now without complicating the procedures.<br /><br />Political parties such as BSP, CPI, CPI (M), Forward Block, RSP and the UPA partners like Lok Jan Shakti, RJD, DMK, MDMK, SP, NCP, PMK and also members of NDA like Janatha Dal (United), Siromani Akali Dal, AIDMK, TDP, AITC etc have openly supported the status for Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims. Leaders such as Kumari Mayavathi, Sri.Ram Vilas Paswan, Sri.Laluprasad Yadav, Sri.Nithish Kumar, Sri.Prakash Karat, Sri.A.B.Bhardhan, Kalaingar M.Karunanidhi, Dr.Y.S.Rajashekhara Reddy, Dr.J.Jayalalitha, Kumari Mamta Banerji and Sri.V.P.Singh have personally written to Prime Minister Dr.Manmohan Singh urging the early implementation of Ranganath Misra Commission’s Recommendation.<br /><br />In this situation, Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims feel betrayed over the inactiveness and lethargic attitude of the Congress party and UPA Government on the issue, despite their assurance in the Election Manifesto. In the recent meeting of ‘National Council of Dalit Christians’ (NCDC), held at Chennai, the Dalit Christian leaders have expressed great anguish over the dreadful silence of the UPA Government on this long pending Human Rights issue. The meeting unanimously decided to launch Nation-wide ‘Rail-Roko’ Struggle on 26th August 2008.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-63915478155938640152008-09-20T07:47:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:52:26.341-07:00RECOGNITION AND ANTITTLEMENT : muslim castes are eligible for inclusion in the category shedule castes<span style="color:#ffff00;"> prof. Imthiaz Ahmed</span><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2GhUlY3lavDF2jpWrA-Sg6hr8Yu68SNNiGxs5DgMofk742OgRKvoOlqW442_wv54PgRISjJZ2tfh7Xw61H7osOGdm8yfVEZDBpHrBfWb-lfWq2HMkMFhCpX87wGL8qI6CxshQyVXCU8I/s1600-h/11.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248116048151872338" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2GhUlY3lavDF2jpWrA-Sg6hr8Yu68SNNiGxs5DgMofk742OgRKvoOlqW442_wv54PgRISjJZ2tfh7Xw61H7osOGdm8yfVEZDBpHrBfWb-lfWq2HMkMFhCpX87wGL8qI6CxshQyVXCU8I/s320/11.jpg" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;">I am asked to make a presentation on Scheduled Caste converts to Islam. This raises a substantial diffculty. ‘Scheduled Castes’ is a legal and administrative term denoting casts among Hindus, Sikhs and Neo-Buddhists which possess three principal attributes; engagement in traditionally difilling occupations, exclusion from the main residential areas within localities and untouchability practiced against them by other castes on account of a presumed superiority of ritual status. There are other diacritical distinctions and restrictions that reinforce their distinctly low status. Similar castes among Muslims and Christians are not included in the category ‘Scheduled Castes’ though there have been demands from time to time that this shoudl be done.<br />If I follow the direction to make a presentation on Scheduled Caste coverts to Islan, I would perforce have to limit myself only to those Scheduled Caste coverts to Islam who embraced that faith after the ‘Scheduled Castes’ became a legal and administrative entity. Cases of members of the Scheduled Castes converting to Islam are known (Meenakshipuram conversions are a case in point), but such cases have been few and far between.2 Once such conversion occurs, the proselytes are denied the recognition and entitlement of the ‘Scheduled Castes’. No useful purpose is likely to be served by cnventrating on this limited section both because the number of such cases is small and the mroe substantial question is that of those Muslims castes which share the characteristics of the castes currently included in the category ‘Scheduled Castes’ but are denied recognition and entitlement as ‘Schedule Castes’. I am therefore going to redefine the scope of my presentation to include Muslim castes that are denied recognition and entitlement as ‘Scheduled Castes’ and not limit this discussion to Scheduled Caste converts to Islam which constitutes a very limited section of Muslims.<br />Conversion to Islam<br />Broadly speaking, there are to views about conversion to Islam and attitudes on this issue have been grately coloured by the rise of nationalism and the poitical discourse as in evolved during and after British rule. One view, which enjoys widespread uncritical acceptance because of the communialist interpretation of history during the nineteenth century, is that conversion to Islam was forced by Muslim rulers who were fired by zeal to spread Islam. It is this view that has contributed towards interpretations of the sack of Somnath by Mohammad Ghazni and other temples by other rulers as acts aimed at conversion and was harnessed in mobilising Hindu sentiments during the Ayodhya Movement where Babar was portrayed as a Muslim zealot. The other view is that conversion to Islam took place through the efforts of the Sufi saints who sanctified and legitimised folk religious and cultural practices making it possible for intermediate and low castes, whose culture was greatly imbused with folk religious and cultural elements, to be drawn into the Islmaic fold.<br />There is no need for our present purposes to go into this controversial question, but one point ought to be made in passing, It is that the heaviest concentrations of the Muslim populations are to be found in areas where Muslim political power was never effectively established or was established much later. On the other hand, these areas had been the strongholds of Buddhist domination before the revival of orthadox Hinduism. The theory that conversions to Islam were limited to the lower castes among the Hindus cannot thus explain the heavy concentration of Muslims in those areas.<br />What appears more plausible is that large segments of the Buddhist population in those areas embraced Islam as the Buddhist faith receded into the background. Under constant threat of religious presecution at the hands of resurgent Hinduism, Islam may have provided an escape to this erstwhile Buddhist population. Sufi missionary activities may have played a part in this process as the institutional framework of the Sufis was highly communitarian and, after the decline and abolition of the Buddhist Sangha, the Sufi shrines and hospices may have further served as a source of attraction to the Buddhist groups to convert to Islam.<br />This had a decisive influence in shaping the casts demography of the Muslim population. Muslim high casts comprised by foreign immigrants who had accompanied the invading armies or who emigrated during subsequent peaceable times account for a small proportion of the Muslim population. The artisnal, menial and peasant castes consitutue the largest segment accounting for roughly between 82-64 per cent of the Muslim population depending upon the region and its early cultural history. Lowliest Muslim castes comparable to ‘untouchable’ casts among Hindus consitutue a small fraction of the total Muslim population. Furthermore, they are not uniformly distributed throughtout the length and breadth of the country. There are no known cases of such Muslim castes in South India, except perhaps in Andhra Pradesh, but members of serval such Muslim castes are known to exist in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujrat and Kashmir Valley. This peculier Muslim caste demography is accounted for by a number of factors; presence of dominant Muslim castes, pesence or absence of ‘untouchable’ Hindu casts to perform scavenging and other demeaning functions and prosperity levels of Muslims of the area, etc.<br />Caste among Muslims<br />Caste had been the organizing principle of Hindu social organization though its rigidity and contours changed greatly through the different historial periods. Perhaps, as has been asserted often, caste was not quite as rigid and fixed during the Vedic times as it became during the period following the articulation of the Manusmriti. Nonetheless, caste early became the defining basis of status, economic resources and political power. It was almost natural that converts to Islam who had earlier operated within the caste system brought their pre-conversion conceptions of the social system, and retained their earlier caste identities. It is also almost natural that conversion to Islam, a sudden turning to a new light, would have automatically introduced some changes in their social organization as a result of interaction with the principles of the Islmaic faith.<br />Early Muslim rules as well as intellectuals, including the ulema, did not see anything wrong with the peristence of such pre-conversion orientations. Actually, they rationalized and legitimated them as the natural order of things. Zia Barni elaborated a theory that the ‘merits’ and ‘demerits’ of all people have been ‘apportioned at the beginning of time and allotted to their souls’. People’s actions are not of their volition, but rather an expression and result of ‘Divine Commandments’? Muhammad Habib and Afsar Umar Salim Khan, translators of Barni’s work, painfully admits, ‘Barni’s God, as is clear from his work, has two aspects-first, he is the tribal deity of the Musalmans; secondly, as between the Musalmans themselves, he is the tribal deity of well-born Muslims’. Subsequently, the ulema employed the Islamic juridical concept of kafa’a to provide legitimacy to the existing social divisions in society.<br />Empirical studies which initially took the form of decennial census adduced considerable evidence that casts (or caste-like groupings, which is a much later categorization) existed among Muslims and could be identified through a hierarchy of status orders that had several significant attributes; source of descent so that those claiming to be the descendants of the Prophet or one of his Companions enjoyed precedence over local coverts, and association with an occupation leading to each caste confining marriages to its members. Using evidence from decennial censuses, Ghaus Ansari argued that Muslims in India were divided into three broad categories whom he called the ashraf(noble born), ailaf(mean and lowly) and arzal(excluded).<br />Each of these categories was further divided into a number or groups for which, following the practice of the decennial censuses, the chose to designate as castes. Since Ansari was relying on the evidence supplied by the enumerations conducted as part of the decennial censuses, he could not examine the process of mutual interaction among these sub-communities whom he designated as caste. He generally suggested that the three broad categories he had identified consituted a hierarchy in which the sub-communities called castes were ranked in an order of social precedence. How this hierarchy was constituted and what was the basis on which the rank order was settled were questions that Ansari could not discuss on account of the limitations of the data he used. This deficiency was met by Ahmad who brought in evidence from castes in close mutual interaction and also noted the differences that existed between the Hindu and Muslim caste systems.<br />Muslims are as a rule, while they admit that caste-like groupings exist among them, display a high degree of ambivalence on the subject of caste among Muslims.<br />This ambivalence has many expressions and has resulted in two distinct tendencies among Muslims. Many Muslims, who admit that caste differences obtain among them, often come up with the plea that rather than caste some other term should be used to designate Muslim castes. Ethnic groups, biradaris or caste-like groupings have been considered and used as substitutes. Others deny the existence of caste among Muslims altogether, arguing that Islam is an egalitarian religion and does not recognise distinctions of caste and status honour. These Muslims refuse to recognise that Islam and Muslims are not necessary one and the same and that there might be a gap between Islamic beliefs and ideology and actual social behaviour.<br />Both tendencies arise from Muslim anxieties about their position in India. Those Muslims who argue that rather than caste some other word should be used to designate social divisions among them are guided by the anxiety that if caste was used it would betray affinity with the Hindus. The Muslim community was very substantially formed through conversion from the indigenous groups and the fear that it might replase back into Hinduism has prompted it all through history to clearly distinguish itself from Hindus through evolving diacritical distinctions that they feel are more Islamic and set Muslims apart from Hindus. Accordingly, while they are willing to admit that caste-like formations exists among Muslims, they would much rather like some other word to be used to designate Muslim castes.<br />On the other hand, those Muslims who are prone to denying the existence of caste among Muslims altogether do so out of an anxiety for projecting the community as a monolith in the context of its standing as a minority in India. Benur traced this dimension in the context of the rise of the nationalist movement in India. He writes; "The Hindu nationalists, using religion and culture as the bases of nationalism, tried to push only the Hindus as the ‘national’ community, and the Muslims as the ‘illgitimate’ residents of India. The Muslim elites also tried to project the Muslims as religious monolith and advanced the theory of distinct ‘Islmaic’ identity of the Muslims. But becasue the Muslims were divided by the caste hierarchy, it was inconvenient for them to project the Hindus as monlith.<br />Hense, they put forward the theory of ‘unity in diversity’ and argued that the Hindu culture was the ‘unfying force’ behind the so-called diversity of the Hindus. The Hindu elites, i.e. the Brahmanical upper classes pushed the Brahmanical value system and philosophy as the ‘essence’ of so-called Indian culture. The Muslim elite adopted a similar view about the Muslims, reducing everything to Islam.... So, it was contended that the Indian Muslims are without any caste system and they are one homongeneous community’.<br />This tendency has permeated down to socioligists who display a remarkably uncanny ambivalence towards caste among Muslims. At the beharioural level, they are willing to concede that there are elements of caste in Indo-Muslim society. However, as soon as the discussion shifts from behaviour to ideology they recoil form their position, seeking to add caveats or hedge around the issue by admitting unabashedly that when they apply the term in the context of a Muslim group they are using it in a loose sense. Two recent writings by Husnain and Nazir exemplify this tendency. Husnain locates his discussion in the context of the question whether the concept of caste can be applied to the system of social stratification of a community professiong a faith other than Hinduism. His conclusion is bald and simple: ‘It is true that the egalitarian social order of Islam stands in sharp contrast with the ideology of caste yet the ‘Indian Islam’ and ‘Hindu Caste System’ have been able to achieve a substantial compatibility’. He then goes on the offer a host of explanations for why this should be the case. He writes; Hutton sounds convincing when he says that when Muslims and Christians came to India; the caste was in the air and the followers of even these egalitarian ideologies could not escape the infection of caste. Moreover, the overwhelming majority of Indian Muslim population comes form the lower Hindu castes who have been coming into the fold of Islam to escape from social presecution and the oppressive socio-economic disablities.<br />They were also attracted and lured by the social egalitarianism of Islam but the search for equality proved a mirgage. In many cases there were improvements in their socio-economic condition yet the goal of social equality remained illusive. Moreover, in most of the cases the people embracing Islam gave up their religious faith but not the caste that was brought forward even to a new socio-religious milieu. Thus, it would be apt to say that while Islam may not be having castes or caste-like groupings, the Indian Muslims do have’.<br />No sooner that he has made this sociological formulation, Husnain becomes uncomfortable. As if fearing that the he might have committed an almost sacrilegious act by declaring that there is caste among Indian Muslims, he wishes to recoil from it. Cryptically, he adds; ‘But in the present paper an attempt is being made to stay clear of the issue whether the model of social stratification among the Indian Muslims is the replica of the Hindu caste system or not. The author, in this paper, shall be using the term caste and caste system among the Indian Muslims in a conveniently loose manner. It is undisputed that there are groups of people among the Muslims who are organised more or less like the Hindu castes but this is also true that many of them are less rigid because Islam, theoretically at least,permits marriages between different classes of believers. Not only that. He looks for crutches that would enable him to perform this summersault. He finds one in the following statement of Nazir, which he quotes approvingly...’ It is necessary to make a distinction between a caste system and caste labels; the former of labour, occupational specialisation, unequal dependence, and recruitment by birth only; the latter refers to a set of non-local, non-corporate named groups which provide a ranking hierachy, and which do not involve occupational specialisation, unqueal dependence, and recruitment by birth only. ‘Perhaps’, concludes Husnain, ‘the ‘caste system’ and "caste like groupings" among the Indian Muslims with all its fludility may be better analysed and better understood through this observation.<br />This assumes that Hindus live under ‘the caste system’. Muslims only use castes labels. Several theoretical and empirical questions are raised by this assumption. First, how is this assumption made? Is it made on the basis of a piece of emprical reasearch? Or, is it made on entirely a priori grounds. As far as I am aware, there has to date been no empirical research which can be said to have established beyond the shadow of a doubt that Muslims do not live under a caste system and only use caste labels. Indeed, if such empirical research existed, the dilemma these authors (and others) face over how to characterise Muslim social stratification in India would not exist. It exists because avaiable emprical research has demonstrated that Muslim social stratification in India and beyond is marked by features of the caste system. It is, therefore, clear that the assumption is made on a priori grounds. As believing Muslims committed to upholding the widely proclaimed Islamic egalitarianism as axiomatic, they cannot face up to the behavioural reality that Muslims live under a caste system.<br />They not only assume the distinction between ‘the caste sysem’ and ‘caste labels’ but go on to suggest that it consitutes a viable framework for analying and understanding Muslim social stratification in India. It is used as a smokescreen to aviod facing the harsh behavioural reality of caste among Muslims in India.<br />Second, is there an empirical basis to the assertion that Muslim social organisation in India is ‘a set of non-local, nor-corporate named groups which provide a ranking hierarchy, and which do not involve occupational speialisation, unequal dependence, and recruitment by birth only Nazir does not make explicit the level at which he is taking. Is he talking about the categorisation of Muslims into the broad ategories of ashraf, aillaf and arzal.<br />If that is his point of reference, then his characterisation of Muslim social organisation as a set of non-local, non-corporate groups can be said to have some validity. However, it would invalidate the distinction between ‘the caste system’ and ‘caste lables’ since similar broad division exists in the form of varna categories in ‘the caste system’. Ansari used the three broad categories of ashraf, ailaf and arzal in the collective sense but clearly recognised that they by occuption, endogamy and socialbility. Thus, if Nazir’s reference is to the groups at this level, then his description of Muslim groups is wholly erroneous. Let us look closely at the empirical evidence in order to determine whether the distinction he posits between, ‘the caste system’ and ‘caste labels’, and by implication between Hindu and Muslim modes of social organisation, is confirmed by available studies.<br />Sociological research on Muslims in India as opposed to lay and impressionistic writings continues to be thin. Evidence brought together by Ahmad (1973) and subsequent research demonstrates that Muslim groups which are the point of reference here, for which words biradari and zat are commonly used, are local and corporate entities. Even biradaris or zats such as Saiyyid, Sheikh and Ansaris, which are dispersed widely and found in different parts of a district, state or the country, are idetifided by their affililation to a particular territory and restrict their marriages to members within that territory. Ofcourse, how that territory is distinguished varies widely. For Sayyids, Shiekhs and Pathans, which resent being characterised as biradaris and prefer to be described as zats, the association to terriotory is expressed through appending the name of the territory to its name. Thus, one hears of Sayyids of Satrikh, Sheikhs of Allahabad, Kidwais of Baragaon or Kasuli and pathans of Malihabad. In the case of Biradaris that have an internal organisation of governement and social control (called biradari or zat panchayat) this territoral association is defined by the jurisdiction of the biradari panchayat. The Ansais in Rasulpur, where I carried out fieldwork, were divided into concentric circles of theree and thriteen villages. They confined their marriages to thirteen villages though Ansaris existed in neighbouring areas as well.<br />This is not all, Considerable evidence exists to show that the biradaris or zats are associated with particular occupations, are inter-depenent (tied into patron-client relationships of the jajmani type), and are endogamous. This does not mean that all members of a biradari or zat necessarily practice the occupation with which their group is traditionally associated. There has been much variation throughtout history among biradaris and zat,as indeed there has been within castes, in the extent to which their members remain tied to the practice of their traditional occuption. On the other hand, biradaris and zats further down the social ladder had traditional occupations and their association with occuption was strong. This was not significantly different from the picture of groups in what Nazir would characterise as ‘the caste system’. Risley’s following observation makes this explicit; ‘In theory each caste has a distinctive occuption, but it does not follow that this traditional occuption is practised by its member... The traditional occuption of the Brahmans is the priensthood, but in practice they follow all manner of pursuits. Many are clearks or cooks, while some are soldiers, lawyers, shop-keepers and even day-labourers, but they remain Brahmans all the same.<br />The Chamers of Bihar are workers in skin,but in Orissa they are toddy-drawers. In Orissa and the south of Gaya the Dhobi is often a hewer of splitter of wood. In Bihar and Bengal the Dom is a scavenger or basket maker, but in the Orissa states he is a drummer or basket maker and has nothing to do with the removal of nightsoil; in Chittagong and Assam e is a fisherman, in Cashmere a cultivator and in Kumaon a stone mason.<br />The argument that Muslim groups, biradaris and zats, are not based on recruitment by birth only is equally fallacious. Like the groups in which Nazir would call ‘the caste system’, Muslim briadaris and zats are based on recruitment by birth only. There is no process by which one can become a Saiyid, Shiekh or Julaha except that of birth. It is for this reason that when someone marries into another biradari or zat, he is not integrated into another biradari or zat but retains his or her original biradari or zat association. There exists a posibility in the case of biradaris and zats to attempt social mobility and end up becoming a Sayid, Shiekh or Pathan in course of time through inventing a rationale and a genealogy. Where such social mobility occurs, the basis of recruitment to the biradari or zat does not change. The biradari or zat just ends up becoming another biradari or zat, and comes to be known by another name, to which recruitment continues to be based on the principle of birth.<br />This is again no significantly different from the situation in ‘the caste system’ where castes have the possibility of changing their antecedents and name through the process of social mobility. Thus, the point that both biradaris and zats and ‘less rigid because Islam, theoretically at least, permits marriage between different classes of believers’ is not empirically established. It is asserted without a substantial basis in any empirical research.<br />This raises fundamental questions. Why Husnain and Nazir as well as a host of other researchers who have worked on the sensitive question of the existence of caste among Muslims are so strongly persuaded to posit that there are significant differences between ‘the caste system’ and the system of biradaris and zats? Is it that these difference actually exists but empirical research has so far failed to unearth them? Or, is it that they are persuaded into asserting these differences contrary to empirical evidence out of extraneous considerations? Is it that they are prone to emphasising these differences because as believing Muslims they are familiar with the Islamic discourse that asserts that Islam preaches social equality and are afraid to take a contrary position? Or, is it that aserting these differences is a defence mechanism whereby they can simultaneously adhere to their disciplinary obligaton as social scientists as well as their religious obligation to unhold what is commonly considered the Islamic view on social stratification?<br />My own view has been that the tendency to emphasise differences between ‘the caste system’ and the system of biradaris and zats arises from some such considerations, but I would refrain from making any such point here. I would like, istead to explore whether their starting point that Islam, is an egalitarian religion and preaches social equality theologically and sociologically vaild. This is central to understanding their standpoint.<br />Islam and Social Equality<br />There is need to ask three different questions of the Islamic text if we are to understand Islam’s position with respect to social stratification and social equality. First, whether Islam is opposed to social stratification as such or is merely opposed to social inequality. Second, what is truly the Islamic attitude towards social inquality that existed in the society in which Islam evolved and took roots? Finally, whether the social equality that it proclaims, and to which reference is always made when it is suggested that Islam is an egalitarian religion, is a description of on existing state of affiars in society or is merely an ideal that is given to mankind as a direction in which it should strive. It is necessary to ask these questions in order to understand the nature of the emphasis on egalitarianism and social equality in Islam. Basic to these questions is the sociological dictum that no society beyond the most primitive can be truly egalitarian.<br />This was the point at the heart of Veblen’s Theory of the Leisured Class (1932) wherein he argued that as societies generated economic surplus there almost always developed some form of social stratification. Pitrim A. Sorokin articulated this point as a general statement.<br />On even the most casual reading of the Islmaic scriptural text one is struck that quite irrespective of the emphasis it places on equality of human beings Islam’s orientationis remarkably hierarchical. Its hierarchical orientation comes in a wide variety of fields. First, the relationship of the believers with non-believers is conceived in hierarchical terms with the believer the dhimmi and the kafir consituting a clear hierachy.Second, the relationship of Allah to the beliver is conceived in hierarchical terms. It is a relationship of subordination and subservience so much so that the invidual believer must prostrate before Allah in daily prayers and must at the same time see hmself as utterly powerless in relation to Him.<br />Any number of passages exist in the Islamic scriptural text endorsing the relatively lowly standing of the believers, whether as indiviuals or as a collective entity, in relation to Allah. Third, the relationship of the wife to her husband is clearly conceived in hierarchical terms even if the text does not distinguish between them in terms of the religious duties enjoined upon them. This sometimes cited by Muslim feminists and Muslim modernists to argue that Islam guarntees equality of gender and does not place a Muslim women in any inferior position to a man.<br />However, in reality a women is subordinate to a man and the relationship between them is seen as constituting a hierarchy wherein the woman stands in relation to a man in the same position as the individual stands in relation to the community and the community stands in relation to Allah. Fatima Mernissi characterises this orientation of Islam in relation to women by the concept of nusuz, which implies an unequal relationship. Finally, the relationship between the master and slave is conceived in clearly hierarchical terms even if the master is called upon to deal with the slave with kindness and merit is assigned to those who would free their slaves. Thus, it is clear that the framework of Islamic thinking is deeply imbued with the notion of hierarchy and social stratification.<br />It is true that the Arab society in which Islam evoloed did not possess great differences of welath, but economic differenitation between ordinary Bedounis and the trading classes did exist. One can easily imagine that they would have differed with respect to their wealth, material possessions and lifestyles and Islam could not have brushed them under the carpet. It would have been required to deal with them, as they would have been reflected in their behaviour and mutual attitudes. As far as the Islamic scriptural text is concerned, it clearly recongnises such distinctions in society and prescribes appropriate forms of behaviour for each.<br />It asks those deprived in social and economic terms to to content and to live according totheir means. It is repeatedly said in the text that Allah is All-seeing and would reward the poor for their poverty on the day of judgement. At the same time, the wealthy and rich, while they are allowed to live in their riches and to spend according to their economic standing, are warned not to be too proud of their material possessions. Moreover, they are aksed to show kindness to those who are deprived and poor and to part with a portion of their wealth and income for the poor. Even the poor are conceived in hierarchical terms;<br />first come the near ones followed by orphans and then the destitute and the deprived. If some kind of social stratification had not existed in society, Islamic scriptural text would neither have referred to those differences, nor indicated appropriate forms of behaviour for them. It would also not have sought to device an economic framework for the redistribution of wealth in a manner that the poor are able to meet both ends meet. It is, thus, clear that the emphasis that Islamic scriptural text places on social equality does not describe an existing state of affairs.<br />This distinction should not be entirely unfamiliar to us in India.<br />As is well known, Indian society has been the most unequal society, social inequality being institutionalised in the caste system. India’s constitution went on to declear India to be a casteless and classless society. In so doing, the constitution was ot proclaiming that scoial inequalities of the past ad entirely disappeared ad the society was egalitarian from the time it was promulgated. The only sensible way would be to recognise that, while social inenqualities persist, the ideal that the Constitution provides is that of egalitarianism. This is also true of Islam. It proclaims social equality to be an ideal, but recognises social inequalities existing in society. By this token, there is no contradiction between Islamic support for an egalitarian society as a future goal and presence of caste or class differences as a social reality.<br />Dalit Muslims<br />The expression ‘Dalit Muslims; has been finding increasing mention in the discourse of traditionaly backward Muslim communities in recent years. However, there does not yet exist any clear understanding of what this expression actually means or which castes or groups it is supposed to denote. On the one hand, it has been used to denote a whole range of Muslim castes which are currently inclduded in the category of the Other Backward Classes.<br />On the other hand, it has been used to denote those Muslim castes or groups which converted from the ‘untouchable’ Hindu castes or are so severely stigmatised and are subjected to such extreme forms of social exclusion that would render them comparable to the Scheduled Castes.<br />The Mandal Commission compoundedand reinforced this confusion. As is already well-known, the Commission’s task was to identify Other Backward Castes and to determine whether they should be eligible for reservation along the lines of the Scheduled Casts and Scheduled Tribes. There was no difficulty in this with respect to Hindu castes because administrative policy clearly recognised a distinction between Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Castes.<br />Because the presidential order of 1950 clearly and arbitraily laid down that ‘No person wo professes a religion different from the Hindu religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste’, the Mandal Commission lumped the severely stigmatised and extremely excluded among the Muslims with Muslim Other Backward Castes for purposes of affirmative action. Therefore, when the urge for equality and social justice seized the imagination of the lowest social groups in other religious traditions and the word Dalit came to be seen as a short-cut-carrier of that aspiration, the expression ‘Dalit Muslims’ came to be used for a wide variety of groups other than those severely stigmastised and excluded and on that ground comparable to Hindu ‘ex-untouchable’ castes for whom the term ‘Scheduled Castes’ was reserved.<br />One can arrive at an assessment of the extent of confusion that prevails at present with respect to the expression ‘Dalit Muslims’ by reading between the lines in the statements of those claiming to speak on their behalf as well as by considering the castes that they have been tempted to include under that category. N. Jamal Ansari writes’.... it is an established fact that Indian Muslim community is divided into castes and has a large deprived section.... Before discussing constitutional provisions in respect of dalits and exclusion of all ‘Dalit Muslims’ from those provisions, I think we must define ‘Dalit Muslims’. Dalit menas downtrodden, oppressed, supporessed and backward.<br />Also, Dalit stands for untouchable and depressed classes. The term "Dalit" applies to members of those menial castes that have been graded lowly which they have inherited by accident of birth. Likewise, Ali Anwar uses the words ‘pasmanda’ (meaning downtrodden and backward) and Dalit interchangeably and includes under ‘Dalit Muslims’ castes like Bhatiyara; Tikyafarosh, Itafarosh, Halalkhor, Khakrob, Mogalzada and Chirimar only some of which can be said to be severely stigmatized and excluded. Clearly, in all such statements and lists, as their reading suggests, the expression ‘Dalit Muslims’ has been used as a generic term to denote all Muslim castes that are educationally and socially backward.<br />Conclusion<br />There are roughly about 17 Muslim castes distributed in different parts of India who would qualify to be eligible for inclusion in the category ‘Scheduled Castes’. On what basis are they distinguishable from the Muslim Other Backward Castes? Ansari did suggest in this early work that the relationships between the ashraf and ajlaf on the one hand and the arzal on the other wer shaped by considerations of social distance taking on the characteristics of untouchability.<br />He mentioned that the members of the category called arzal were excluded both physically and socially. From a physical point of view, they tended to inhabit excluded localities and did not mix with the members of the other two categories. When it came to social intercourse, their relationship was characterized by strict maintenance of social distance and deference so that the members of the arzal castes had minimal and limited interaction with the members of the other castes.<br />Once again, Ansari was constrained into not saying anything more that this by the nature of the evidence that came out of the enumerations of the decennial censuses and some stray observations the census authorities offered in their reports from time to time.<br />More fouced research on social stratification among Muslims in the early seventies and subsequently relied upon empirical methods, painstakingly collecting information on actual, day-to-day interactions among Muslim castes. This reasearch succeeded in providing a more grounded picture of the situation of the castes that Ansari had called arzal. It demostrated that in terms of day-to-day social interactions the arzal existed on the margins of society. Even so, the range of dimensions of interaction that this research explored was restricted to areas of commensality, endogamy and sociality. It showed that the arzal engaged in the lowly occuption of scavening, confined their marriages wihtin the group were excluded into separate residential quarters in the villages as well as the towns in which members of the other categories did not live. This research also noted the existence among the arzal castes of a system of internal government and social control with a hereditary official who regualted the life of group members and punished any transgressions of group norms besides setting domestic or intra-group disputes.<br />Since much of this early research was focused on local communities, villages and towns, and covered groups falling into what Ansari had designated as arzal and ajlaf, the range of information of the arzal castes does not go beyong this limited range. For example, it is silent on the exclusion of the arzal castes in the ritual and religious spheres as well as on whether the religious specialists who cater to the ashraf and ajlaf castes also minister to them.<br />Considering the severely stigmatised and extremely excluded so-called arzal castes, two questions need to be disposed off. One is whether these castes should be recognized and entitled to benefits currently given to the ‘Scheduled Castes’? One argument often advanced is that Muslims do not have castes and therefore the benefit of reservation to ‘Scheduled Castes’ cannot be extended to them.<br />This is a fallacious arguments to say the least. Public policies are based on objective realities and seek to address social problems as they exist at the ground level. If extremely excluded and severely stigmatised castes exist among Muslims, there is no ground that the strategy of ameliorationg the benefits of the ‘Scheduled Castes’ to severely stigmatised and extremely excluded Muslim castes, and any attempt to shy away from this obvious action would expose the State to the allegation that it is indirectly seeking to prevent the depletion of the ‘Hindu community’ by ensuring that the Schedule Castes stay within the Hindu fold and if they hanker for those benefits they should change over to Hinduism and one of the other religions of Indian origin whose deprived sections are included in the category ‘Scheduled Castes’. The State’s secular credentials will remain in doubt so long as this argument is adhered to.<br />The second question is whether these Muslim castes should be recognised as ‘Schedule Castes’ only when there is demonstrable evidence that they converted from one of the Scheduled Castes. This was also the test applied in the determination of Sosai’s claim to be granted concessions being extended to the ‘Scheduled Castes’. Among other things, his claim was rejected as he could not demonstrate beyond the shadow of a doubt that he or his ancestors had necessarily descended from one of the ‘Scheduled Castes’. It is necessary to remember that in most of these cases we are dealing with castes whose caste histories are wholly unrecorded.<br />Moreover, where is the basis for presuming that all such castes in other religious traditions are necessarily descendants of the ‘Scheduled Castes’? It is possible that they may have come into existence autonomously as a result of subsequent colonisatin under Muslim domination. Muslim elites may have forced some groups, irrespective of whether they earlier belonged to the ‘Scheduled Castes’ or not, to perform certain functions for the and their current stigmatisation may not be the result of their conversion to Islam but may owe itself to their subseuqent domination. Under the cirucumstances, requiring the severely stigmatised and extremely excluded castes, whether among Muslims or Christians, to pas s the test of orginating out of the ‘Scheduled Castes’ would amount to failing them on a priori grounds.<br />This would militate against the spirit and intentions of the Constitution. The scale of justice has to be balanced to ensure that similiarly placed social groups are treated equally and evenly without religion (an anathema in a secular state) being brought into play to deny some of them equal treatment under the law.<br />Reference<br />1. Paper presented at the workshop on ‘Conferment of Scheduled Caste Status to Persons Converted to Christianity/Islam : Issues and Challenges’ held at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, on August 18-19, 2006.<br />2. Contrary to popular perceptions and State eagerness to enact legislations seeking to regulate conversions on the premise that large-scale conversions to Islam are indeed taking place Muslim proselytization efforts virtually ceased after Independence. Some Muslim groups continue to hold on to the concept of dawat (invitation to Islam), but are conscious that the political climate is too hot and problematic to attempt proselytization on a large scale. Unless castes come forward for reasons of their own (as happened in Meenakshipuram), conversions to Islam are now mostly individual and sporadic. For a discussion of the dynamics of the Meenakshipuram conversions, see Imtiaz Ahmad ‘Threats and Responses: Conversions in Tamilnadu’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol.17, no.43, 1982, pp.1737-39 and ‘The Tamilnadu Conversions, Conversion Threats and the Anti-Reservation Campaign: Some Hypotheses’, New Quest 34, 1982, pp.219-26.<br />3. For a more detailed discussion on this point, see Imtiaz Ahmd, ‘Exclusion and Assimilation in Indian Islam’, in Attar Singh (ed.) Socio-Cultural Impact of Islam in North India, Chandigarh, Punjab University, 1976.<br />4. One explanation for the presence of Muslim scavengers in Hyderabad appears to be the presence of sizeable Muslim elite which needed scavengers in order to maintain family toilets. Outside of Hyderabad, particularly in outlying districts where an elite class did not exist Muslim scavenging castes are not to be found. Because Uttar Pradesh and Bihar had a sizeable elite class the largest number of Muslim lowest castes is found in these areas. Again, while they are found in and around Kilkata, they are almost non existent in rural West Bengal.<br />5. See K.M.Pannikar, Hindu Society at Cross-Roads, London, Allen and Unwin, 1961.<br />6. There is an interesting debate on caste among Muslims according to which Muslim system of social stratification is claimed to have evolved independently and is seen as having no relationship with the Hindi caste system. Charles Lindholm has argued that many of the features found in Muslim society are similar to those found among Muslims in other parts of South Asia and on that basis has argued that the Muslim social stratification found in India is an extension of the system found elsewhere (see Charles Lindholm, ‘Paradigms of Society : A Critique of Theories of Caste among Indian Muslims’, European Journal of Sociology, 1965, pp. 131-140). Many Muslims are themselves inclined to take a similar line of argument. This argument would have been tenable if Islamic scriptural sources had provided a blue-print of an Islamic social stratification system. This not being the case, the argument fails to sustain itself. It is plausible that Islam did modify certain social practices including that of caste. Whatever practices were not sanctified by Islam but existed in India were attenuated. Whatever practices existing in India where in Conformity with the Islamic ethos became more rigid. Thus, purdah practices, which already existed even in India, were rendered more rigid and strict and caste principles were relaxed or made less restrictive.<br />7. For a more detailed treatment of Barni’s as well as other contemporary scholars’ views on social divisions in society, see Yoginder sikand,<br />8. Quoted in Sikand<br />9. Gaus Ansari, Muslim Castes in Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society, 1959.<br />10. Imtiaz Ahmad, ‘Introduction’, in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.), Caste and Social Stratificaion among Muslims, Delhi, Manohar Book Service, 1973.<br />11. Fakruddin Benur, ‘The Dynamics of Caste Problems of the Indian Muslims’, Paper presented at a seminar on Dalit Muslims organized by Deshkal Society, New Delhi, 2004.<br />12. This tendency is, incidentally, not limited to Muslim elites, but is also reflected by leaders who claim to represent the cause of lower Muslim castes. For example, Ali Anwar, president of the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, Bihar, notes, ‘In Islam in primciple caste and conceptions of high and low or touchable and untouchable do not exist. I want to state this right in the beginning because whenever this question is discussed some people immediately start citing the Quran and the Hadith. I want to state that the the discussion is not about Islam but on adherence to it’ (Paper presented at a seminar on Dalit Muslims organized by Deshkal Society, New Delhi, 2004).<br />13. Husnain<br />14. Nazir<br />15. Husnain, p.2.<br />16. Husnain, pp. 207-08<br />17. Husnain, p.207.<br />18. Nazir, p. 2898<br />19. Husnain, p.208<br />20. Nazir, p.2898<br />21. Hutton, Census of India, 1902, pp. 350-51<br />22. Hasnain, p:208<br />23. On what grounds the presidential order of 1950 decided, in opposite to the explicit wording of the Constitution, remains an enigma and has not been adequately researched upon. It is clear that the distinction arose out of the strong Hindu undertones of nationalism as it took shape in India.<br />Since the idea of nationalism simultaneously propagates the notion of a national community which in this case was seen as the ‘Hindu community’, there was fear that if the extremely stigmatized and excluded castes in other religious traditions were allowed eligibility as Scheduled Castes there would remain no check on conversion of lower groups to them (already the idea that the lower groups had converted to Islam because of their lowly position in Hindu society was widespread). The idea that the term ‘Scheduled Castes’ should be restricted to Hindu ‘ex-untouchables’ was introduced to prevent conversion of lower Hindu groups to other religions and thereby to prevent any subsequent depletion of the ‘Hindu community’. What role did the presence at that time of Dr.Rajendra Prasad at the helm of affairs played in this process is also worth investigation in the context of his subsequent strong opposition to the passing of the Hindu Code Bill.<br />24. ‘Oppression of Dalit Muslims through Constitution of India’, Paper presented at a seminar on Dalit Muslims organized Deshkal Society, New Delhi, 2004.<br />25. There are some who question the tendency to denote backward and downtrodden Muslim castes as Dalit Muslim. Benur writes, ‘A question can be asked at this juncture. How it is appropriate to call these bahujan Muslims or backward Muslim masses as Dalit Muslims? By calling these Muslims as Dalit Muslims, what we aim to achieve? Creation of awareness among the Muslim masses? Removal of marginalization?<br />Generating sympathy wave? Calling these Muslims as Dalit Muslims are we radicalizing caste politics? (Fakruddin Benur, ‘The Dynamics of Caste Problems of the Indian Muslims’, Paper presented at a seminar on Dalit Muslims organized by Dehskal Society, New Delhi. 2004.<br />Perhaps the reason for this is their desire to consolidate a wider constituency. Shabbir Ansari, leader of the Mahrashtra Backward Castes Federation, and Ibrahim Qureshi, convener, National Coordination Council, Muslim OBC of India, Bhopal, have maintained a distinction between Muslim Other Backward Castes and Dalit Muslims, Qureshi lists 8-10 Muslim castes who are eligible for inclusion in the Schedule Caste category (see his paper presented at the Muslim OBC Conference organized by the PM’s High Level Committee, New Delhi, 5-6 September, 2005. Eajaz Ali has been very clear and his movement focuses exclusively on severely stigmatized Muslim castes.<br />27. From my observations of growing up in a Muslim family I am able to recall a number of instances of both open and silent discrimination practiced against these castes. We had a Lalbegi woman come to clean the toilets in our house. She was on the best of terms with my mother and would sit for hours together gossiping with my mother. Whenever my mother would offer her pan, she would wrap her hand with her dupatta to receive it. My mother used to drop the pan in her hand, making sure that her hand did not touch the Lalbegi woman’s hand. On occasions of marriage the family would come and sit in a corner and wait until all guests had eaten and left.<br />It would then be given food in vessels they brought with them. They did not eat the food there, but instead took it with them to be eaten at home. On sacrificial eid the family was not given any portion of the meet. It was given the intestines which were kept aside for them. It is possible that some of these forms of discrimination have changed, but there is no evidence to show that they have disappeared. The Commission on Religious and Linguistic Minorities should sponsor studies to evaluate the discrimination and its changing forms in a few areas to find out the current state of these castes.<br />28. Some evidence exists to show that there is discrimination against these Muslim castes in the religious spheres. I found during fieldwork in eastern Uttar Pradesh that members of these castes did not go to the mosque for prayers and if they went they had to stand in the back rows.<br />It has been mentioned by many observers that such groups often have their own mosques. N.Jamal Ansari notes that ‘in certain areas of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar there are separate mosques and burial grounds’ for these castes (Paper presented at the seminar on Dalit Muslims organized by Deshkal Society, New Delhi, 2004). Establishment of own mosque would call for a level of prosperity for the groups as a whole. Whether they have attained such levels of prosperity is something on which very little information exists.<br />29. In Parasram V.Shivchand case it was held that in order to determine whether a particular caste is a Scheduled Caste one has to look at the notification issued by the President on that behalf. This questionable view calls for a review.<br /></span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-60502596795285176732008-09-20T07:46:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:47:25.487-07:00HISTORIC DALIT MUSLIM CONVENTION IN NEWYARK<div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">The International Dalit-Minorities Conference over the Independence Day weekend in New York discussed the challenges and opportunities for the suppressed classes of India (religious and ethnic minorities and dalits).<br />The conference, organized by the American Federation of Muslims of Indian Origin (AFMI), which also held its XVII North American Annual Convention in conjunction with the conference, was held at the Marriott-Long Island in Uniondale, New York. Chairing the conference was Ram Vilas Paswan, India’s Minister of Steel and chief of Lok Jan Shakti Party.<br />AFMI president Ali Quraishi said: "Dalits and minorities, mainly Muslims, constitute about 40% to 50% of the population of India, and if they vote for the right candidates in polls, they can be a powerful voice, and secure what is due to them, that which has been denied to them for so long."<br />Participants included social activists, academics, community leaders, politicians, media activists and professionals from a cross-section of the society.<br />Dr. AS Nakadar (AFMI Trustee) from Michigan, renowned academic Dr. K.P. Singh of Washington University, and Dr. Shakir Mukhi (past president of AFMI) from New York spearheaded the organizing committee of the conference.<br />In his inaugural address, Paswan, who is also the Chairman of the Dalit and Minorities International Forum (DMIF), said the conference aimed to focus international attention on discrimination based on caste, gender and religion and deliberate on eliminating such societal inequalities.<br />Paswan called for empowering the socially deprived through education and employment.<br />"Till such time that the minorities do not have self confidence, India cannot progress. We need to facilitate this," he said. Despite the constitutional provision for equal opportunity of development, discrimination against Muslims and Dalits are a reality, Paswan said. Legislation is needed for reservation to deprived classes, he continued.<br />"If Dalits and Muslims get united, they will lead the politics of India, governments will be theirs, and they will rule the country," he said. Paswan said development and progress of Dalits and Muslims can be only through reservations.<br />Syed Shahabuddin, a former diplomat, ex-Member of Parliament, said that funds earmarked for the deprived do not percolate to them due to the prevailing bureaucratic set up in India.<br />Dr. AS Nakadar stressed the importance of education, which would help increase the socio-economic capital of not only the individuals, but of communities and countries as a whole.<br />Prof. Mungekar, Member of the Planning Commission, said, "Forty-two per cent of the people in India are still below the poverty line, despite the economic development witnessed by the country in the past sixty years."<br />He said the minorities got marginalized after Partition because of the unequal opportunity structure in the country. He also lamented the political parties for not giving adequate reservation to women, saying the powerful political class is not ready to surrender their powers to women.<br />The conference was also addressed by Member of Parliament Ram Das Athawale, member of the Planning Commission and Dr. Bhalchandra Mungekar, social activist Teesta Setelvad and Tehelka’s Tarun Tejpal. Delegations of Sulabh International members and Bhopal Gas victims also participated in the conference.<br />The revolutionary work by Sulabh International has liberated several Dalits from the humiliating work of human waste disposal.<br />"We the voiceless are coming together to let the entire world know that we have learned to articulate our views. We the powerless are coming together to let the entire world know that no longer we will allow any one to divide us in the name of caste or religion. We will define who we are and not what others will define us. For centuries we have waited for this historic moment, a moment that will see the weakest showing their will to survive. It is a moment of self respect, dignity and self discovery," he said.<br />At the end of the convention, a New York Declaration was issued, demanding compensation to 1984 anti-Sikh riot victims, justice for Godhra victims and restoration of Mahabodhi temple in Bodh Gaya to the Buddhists.<br />The declaration called for "the immediate elimination of all forms of discrimination. Restoration of the Human Rights of the Dalits and the Minorities in full measures, whenever and wherever they are violated. Urgent investigation of all cases of involuntary disappearances and custodial killings in Jammu & Kashmir and arbitrary detention through out the country on unverified accusation of terrorism and investigation of mass crimes and communal riots by Special Investigative Teams [SITs] and independent prosecution by special courts that does not spare the mighty and powerful," it read. </span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-90597546804735018102008-09-20T07:40:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:46:02.012-07:00daud Sherifa khanam : A SPACE FOR THEIR OWN<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjphWtrHy2OImuJApWezgFqELMQxR-OsjYidSZA9Lii2SR4SOei6X-oZolu_uTq6SM0EtW8HEc6ZqpfNlmqdE1M0oedOgUV2hk3RpPcUpBncnKGQFkAMsr9M8LARsfzEaQrcMjmkpCOzaI/s1600-h/10.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248114772720016578" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjphWtrHy2OImuJApWezgFqELMQxR-OsjYidSZA9Lii2SR4SOei6X-oZolu_uTq6SM0EtW8HEc6ZqpfNlmqdE1M0oedOgUV2hk3RpPcUpBncnKGQFkAMsr9M8LARsfzEaQrcMjmkpCOzaI/s320/10.jpg" border="0" /></a> <strong><span style="color:#33ffff;">SUJATHA MADHOK</span></strong><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;">Award instituted by the Central Social Welfare Board, began a Muslim Women’s Jamaat in 2003 to provide Muslim women a space to express themselves and contest traditional, repressive diktats "I have courage, not authority. My work is a necklace of hot burning coals," says Sharifa who heads the Muslim Women’s Jamaat of Tamil Nadu.<br />Daud Sharifa Khanam is a women’s activist and first recipient of the Durgabai Deshmukh Award, instituted by the Central Social Welfare Board in 1999. She beganthe monthly jamaat (congregation) for Muslim women in 2003, to provide Muslim<br />women a space to express themselves and contest traditional, repressive diktats. The Muslim Women’s Jamaat is an attempt to challenge the authority of the traditional jamaat system which, to a large extent, controls the social life of Muslims. Each mosque elects a group of influential men from within the community to form what is known in Tamil Nadu as the pallivaasal jamaat. Besides managing the affairs of the mosque, the all-male jamaat also arbitrates in community affairs, acting as caste panchayats in hearing and settling disputes and ruling on matrimonial matters including divorce, custody and maintenance.<br />They are respected and feared and have the backing of the mullahs. They even get funds from the wakf boards. The pallivaasal jamaat survives on chanda (donations) collected every year from community members. Families are also expected to pay up separately for religious rituals like births, deaths and marriages. Individuals, even entire families, may be declared outcastes if they fail to pay up. Sharifa says jamaat members often thrust their decisions on women, threatening to "deny them a space even in the burial ground" if they fail to obey their decree. A woman cannot become a member of the jamaat committee. Worse, since women are not allowed into mosques where the jamaat committee meetings are held, a woman cannot represent her own case to the committee. She can at best send her husband or brother to represent her. A woman’s life can thus be decided by a group of men without her being given even a hearing! Many factors contribute to discrimination against Muslim women in Tamil Nadu, including large-scale migration of men to the Gulf to make money. With the menearning in dollars, dowries have spiralled. Yet mehr (the bride price that has to be paid to the wife) has not kept pace. Dowries range from anything between Rs 30,000 and Rs 2 lakh, but mehr is rarely more than Rs 1,000. Migration and the resultant distance causes the break-up of many marriages; in some cases, the easiest way for a man to desert his wife is to disappear abroad. Oral triple talaq is still recognised as legitimate by the male jamaats. Some men use email to divorce their wives, others resort to SMS! The Muslim Women’s Jamaat, set up in 2003, encourages a liberal interpretation of Shariat law, freeing women from patriarchal bias. It takes up disputes, intervening to try and get women a better deal in what are, basically, unequal marriages.<br />The jamaat has spread to several districts in Tamil Nadu, with coordinators in each district, most of them voluntary workers. It meets every month, usually at its headquarters in Pudukottai. The coordinators travel to meetings unescorted, sometimes staying overnight or catching the night bus home.<br />"We are slandered as anti-religion, anti-Islam. But it’s not a religious struggle, it’s a power struggle," says Sharifa. Sharifa has been reviled, abused from the mosques and threatened for organising Muslim women in rural Tamil Nadu to resist the oppression of the mullahs. Many of the women who come to Sharifa seek redress from the unfair judgments of the traditional jamaats. This often puts her and her organisation in direct confrontation with the male jamaats and religious elders. This is the major reason for their hostility.<br />However, the jamaats are beginning to recognise the positive role that Sharifa’s group can play and occasionally approach them for intervention. Muslim Women’s Jamaat meetings are held in a specially constructed hall — a large open room built in traditional style with a high, red-tiled roof. It is built within the precincts of Sharifa’s residence which also houses the office of the NGO she founded.<br /></span><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">STEPS.</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">Sharifa Khanam herself has had a turbulent life. Her father died early and her brothers ran the household in traditional, patriarchal style. However, she was given a decent schooling and sent to Aligarh Muslim University for her graduate studies. Unfamiliar with north India, Sharifa was unhappy and dropped out to return to Tamil Nadu. Her elder brother was so angry that he cut off her allowance. Independent by nature, Sharifa decided to support herself by giving tuitions. Then, in1998, she was offered the chance to act as translator at a women’s conference in Patna as she had picked up Hindi in Aligarh and spoke it better than most Tamil women.<br />The event was an eye-opener for her. "It was the first time that I heard of women’s rights. I was surprised! I realised that these women were speaking of the same kind of oppression that went on in my own house too." As an unmarried woman, Sharifa eventually began to feel unwelcome in her family house. "I found myself becoming a third person in my own house.<br />I felt neglected by the family," she says. In 1987, she set up the organisation STEPS Women’s Development Group. STEPS began functioning in Pudukottai as a community welfare centre for women, but soon it began handling cases on behalf of battered women. In 1991, with the backing of progressive bureaucrat Sheela Rani Chunkath, who was then collector of Pudukottai, Sharifa was able to get a piece of land in the heart of the town and build a room to live in and work out of. In 1995, Sharifa decided to focus on the women of her community since they seemed singularly helpless in the face of dual oppression, both as women and members of a minority community.<br />In a few short years, Sharifa was able to set up a strong women’s organisation, tackling numerous cases of violence against women and solving matrimonial disputes. Recognition came her way quickly; the STEPS office is decorated with awards and trophies from both local and national organisations including the Union Ministry of Women and Child Development. It is the award money from various organisations, in fact, that enabled the building of the STEPS office — a single room above Sharifa’s home.<br />Accessed by a flight of steps, the room is built from red brick and tile in the Laurie Baker style, allowing in ample natural light, a glimpse of green trees in the neighbouring courtyard, and a breeze that wafts through the room keeping it cool. In this cocoon Sharifa and her staff battle with the grim realities that face them on a daily basis.<br />Sharifa says that in the last 15 years she has handled around 10,000 petitions from Muslim women alone. Members interact with the police and lawyers to ensure the speedy resolution of cases. "If the response is poor, we take to the streets," says Sharifa. In 2004, the intervention of women jamaat members led to the suspension of a few police officers in Annavasal town for "counselling" a rape victim rather than taking action in the case. A 12-year-old girl employed as a domestic help was raped by her employer. The investigation dragged on until the jamaat staged a dharna in front of the office of the superintendent of police and made sure the culprit was brought to book.<br />In the past 10 years, Sharifa has mobilised women in 10 districts across Tamil Nadu —Trichy, Pudukottai, Tirunelveli, Kanyakumari, Madurai, Theni, Dindigul, Nagapattinam, Tuticorin and Perambalur. Women jamaat leaders in these districts travel to Muslim residential areas to spread word about the jamaat. They also mobilise women to oppose the three dominant social evils in the Muslim community — ex-parte divorce (talaq), polygamy, and dowry demands..<br />Taj Begum of Sivaganga district has emerged as a local leader, and the jamaat in her area values her advice. People take cases to her house. She counsels families and only takes the case to the STEPS headquarters if legal intervention is required. Rashida Begum is typical of some of the younger women who belong to the Muslim Women’s Jamaat. She says: "After getting a talaq I have gained self-confidence. My mother had a difficult marriage and she tolerated so much to be able to bring up her children. But I am educated and can work and earn to bring my child up on my own." The Muslim Women’s Jamaat’s major demand is that half the members of the traditional jamaat committees should be female. They want all brides to be at least 21 years old, mehr to be substantial and marriages to be registered with the government. Also, that a woman teacher be appointed in each mosque as, they allege, male hazrats have been accused of misbehaving with girls who go to the mosques to study the Koran.<br />From the government they demand reservation in education and employment and concessions for the Muslim community on a par with backward classes and the poor. They want employment under NREGA to include home-based occupations that Muslim women do, such as processing of foodstuff and production of goods, craft items etc. Jamaat members recall that when some poor women went to work on a NREGA construction site they were told they could not do the work in a burqua! They also say that land should be distributed to them under the government’s land distribution<br /><br />schemes.<br />In a dramatic challenge to the patriarchy of the all-male jamaats, the women thought of building their own mosque. A local family agreed to donate the land for the mosque. However, the tremendous publicity that the announcement of the mosque generated led to an angry counter-campaign from the Ulemas. Under pressure, the donors withdrew the offer. Sharifa then decided to build the mosque on her own land. This led to the edict that Islam does not permit an unmarried woman to build a mosque. Sharifa promptly accepted a proposal of marriage from a progressive businessman.<br />Sharifa visualises the women’s mosque as a place for prayer as well as community service, with a meeting hall, a shelter for destitute women and a training and education centre for girls. It will have a woman priest and other female religious functionaries. Men will be permitted to enter and pray but they will not control the mosque. Sadly, today the mosque at Thandeeswaram village near Pudukottai town stands built only up to basement level, as the organisation has run out of money to complete it. Despite an organisation to run and a baby girl to take care of, Sharifa, now a feisty 42, plans a fundraising tour in India and abroad. "My target is to raise a million dollars for the women’s mosque" she says, confident that she will achieve her dream.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-92117158429269852022008-09-20T07:18:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:20:08.422-07:00<div align="justify"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7dXMXexxQwZDhI_TjCrOE01-SEeeqyNRGOl0Mnq4q5P-oNToSmbgPGiPGk6WSEy2_ng2I4jYzzDfX4TDUNVxTs4ySjqraogL3AstW_J5RKHdM2VgZHTVf2o39LAgkq6e-ZbS0vfYjayA/s1600-h/9.jpg"><span style="color:#ffffff;"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248108023924639682" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7dXMXexxQwZDhI_TjCrOE01-SEeeqyNRGOl0Mnq4q5P-oNToSmbgPGiPGk6WSEy2_ng2I4jYzzDfX4TDUNVxTs4ySjqraogL3AstW_J5RKHdM2VgZHTVf2o39LAgkq6e-ZbS0vfYjayA/s320/9.jpg" border="0" /></span></a><span style="color:#ffffff;"> Karnataka Struggle Committee for Social Justice formed with the support of Minorities organizations. A state level network of Muslin Ngos and organizations, like minded individuals and organizations was formed in 2006. A secular Network comprises of 17 members state committee ,20 Distic Committes in Karnataka . Working on the issues of Cultural, economical, political and religious rights among Muslims in the state of Karnataka..<br />Defeat BJP and Save India rally:<br />During the 2004 assembly elections in Karnataka, under the leadership of progressive thinker Shri Muruga Rajaendra Shivashararna, intellectuals and progressive writers, Pro. Ravivarma Kumar, Pro. K. Ramadas, Dr. U.R. Anantha Murthy, Devanur Mahadeva, Gouri Lankesh, a rally was organized in 10 assembly constituencies of Bangalore 4,000 people participated in the rally.<br />Remembering Freedom fighter Tippu Sultan:<br />On his 207th death anniversary Social Transformation message of Tippu a programme was organized and 400 people were participated in the programme, Dr. U.R. Anantha Murthy inaugurated the programme and other chief guests were Dalit leader and intellectual Indudhar Honnapur, Mrs.Banu Mushtaq, President of Milli council Mr. Shafiulla.<br />Understanding Dalit movement through Autobiography of Dalits: A programme was organized on 27th June 2004:<br />Dalit literature in Kannada plays an important role in the history of Karnataka particularly with reference to the social movements. Understanding the cultural hegemony of Brahmanism ideology and countering through the Dalit auto biography, in Kannada language, 5 books have been published so-far on this issue. A review of these books was organized in Bangalore, the main speakers of the programme were, Shri Veerabhadra Channa Malla Swamiji, the then, Police director Subhash Bharani, intellectual and writer, Dr.Banjagere Jayaprakash, Dr. Mallepuram G Venkatesh of Hampi Kannada University and pro. Narasimhaih president Backward classes forum Karnataka.<br />Protest in front of Town hall Bangalore:<br />A protest was organized in front of town hall on November 2nd, 2004 to protest against Sangha parivar- Bhajaranga Dal and Umabharti on the issue of Baba budan giri and Tiranga rally. 700 people participated in the rally and other like minded organizations of Dalits, Backward Classes, All India Christian council and Democratic youth federation of India were also participated in the protest.<br />Dalit -Muslim unity:<br />On 9th January 2005, A state level conference was organized in Indian social Institute, Bangalore to bring Dalits and Muslims together to understand the importance of Dalit and Muslims unity and harmony. Dalit Voice Editor Mr. V.T. Rajashekhar, President of PUCL-K Mr. Hasan Mansur, General Secretary of Karnataka Urdu Teachers association Dr. Fyzulla Baig junaidi, General secretary of<br />Muslim advocate council mr.Ziakarnatake were participated in the programmer. The presentations of these guests<br />were collected and printed in the form of small booklet and distributed 1000 Kannada copies to the community.<br />Review of Anti Communal Legislation Central act :<br />On 20th of June 2007, a review programme on Anti Communal Act was organized in Bangalore. Programme was inaugurated by Rt. judge of high court of Karnataka justice Sadashiva. The chief speaker was Mrs. Aninta Ratnam director of Samvada, past chairman of Backward classes commission Dr. C.S. Dwarakanath.<br />Future Challenges of Secularism:<br />During the formation of JD(S) and BJP government in Karnataka, a seminar was organized in Bangalore to discuss the future challenges of Secularism in Karnataka. Around 240 people with different walk of life, like writers, intellectuals, dalit leaders and activists participated in the programme. The chief guest of the programme was Mr. Sidda Ramaiah, Ex deputy chief Minister of Karnataka. Other guests were K.B.Siddaiah,Dalit thinker, Mavalli Shankar Dalit leader, Pro. Ravi Varma Kumar, Senier advocate,.<br />Seminar on the Status of Muslim communities in Karnataka:<br />On July 9th, 2006 a programme was organized in Indian Social Institute(ISI) to give orientation for NGO‘s who are working with Muslims. 24 organizations participated during the programme which actively involved in development and welfare activities with Muslims. This programme was inaugurated by Rtd Justice of high court of Karnataka justice, Ko. Channa Basappa. Dr. Manohar Chndraprasad was presented a paper on caste, class and multi cultural back ground of Muslim communities. Mr. Abdul Rasheed, writer presented a paper on Indianization of Muslims. Mr. Siraj Ahamed editor of Islamic Voice presented a paper on Motivated Violence of government and Human rights with reference to Muslim community.<br />Campaign on the Religious rights of Muslim women:<br />During the month of June to November,Campaign on the Religious rights of Muslim women has been jointly organized and launched under the leadership of Pro. Hasnath Mansoor in Bangalore Urban, Rural and in Ramanagar Districts covering 18 slums, where majority of were Muslims. 18 workshops of 3days have been organized in the areas covering 900 women.<br />Understanding of Communalism in the context of Karnataka<br />A state level workshop on Understanding of communalism in the context of Karnataka was organized in Bangalore, 160 people belong to progressive, dalit thinkers,intellectuals were participated in the workshop. with the support of PUCL-K, NAPM, Indian Social Institute (ISI), Alternative Law Forum (ALF).<br />The main topics of the workshop includes;<br />1.Historical and Political background of Communalism in Karnataka.<br />2. Farmers movement of Karnataka<br />3. Dalit Movement of Karnataka<br />4. Back ward classes movement<br />5. communalization of Democracy<br />6. Experiences of communalism in Karnataka<br />7. strategies to combat and resisting communalism<br />Awareness campaign on Justice Rajendra Sachar commission report on Muslim And Jus. Ranganatha Mishra report :<br />During the month of January 2007 the campaign was launched and it was continued to may 2007. The main objective of the campaign was to create awareness among Muslim community on Justice Rajendra Sachar commission report on Muslim minorities. District level seminars were organized during the campaign and 5000 booklets on the issue were distributed in the state. Bangalore, Hassan, Chitradurga, Davangere, Dharwad and Koppal districts were covered during the campaign and at the district level different programmes were held.<br />Remembering Jalaluddin Rumi, a mystic Sufi Poet<br />In India Jalaluddin Rumi a mystic poet and Sufi played an important role to bring Dalit, Backword Communities and Muslims together through mysticism and spirituality particularly the tradition of Sufism has played historical role in India. A seminar was organized in Mythic society Bangalore to remember the contribution of Sufism and Jalaluddin particularly. Dr. U.R.Anantha Murthy and Devanur Mahadev, Pro. Ki.Ram. Nagaraj, Shudra Srinivas were among the guests.<br />Rally for Demanding reservation in private sector, in judiciary and demanding implementation of Justice Rajendra Sachar report:<br />On June 27th, 2007 a rally was organized in Bangalore 1500 people from the Muslim community were participated, Dalit leader and well known personality of Tamil Nadu Tol Trimavalavan , National president DPI and Paul Diwakar National Convenor NCDHR were one of the guests.<br />Muslim, Christian and Dalit Unity State level Conference in Bangalore:<br />A State level conference of Muslims, Christians and Dalits were organized in Bangalore on 28th June 2008, 2000 Peoples were gaddering and demanded:<br />1. 13% Budget allocation for development of Muslims Karnataka Budget.<br />2. Backward Muslims should be recognized under the category of Most backward Classes and political space and opportunities and reservation should be given to these communities.<br />Future Campaign/ Struggles of Struggle Committee for social justice will be based on these issues:<br />l Demanding political Reservation of Most Backward Muslim Communities and Dalit Muslims. Identifying Muslim communities which are socially, economically, and politically most backward.<br />l An the Muslim women rights, Demanding Muslim women development Directorate in the government.<br />l Networking among Dalit, Dalit Christion and Muslims organizations to bring communal harmony and Unitey for Karnataka State level<br />l Awarenes on the Sachar and Mishra Commissions Reports .<br />For this cause we are expected support, And we hope you join with this downtrodden peoples social justice process .<br /></span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-63588641585664735392008-09-20T07:13:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:17:33.479-07:00Caste based Quota to Ajlaffs will : Strenthen Muslim unity<div align="justify"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgyYVbVYAaEgrEhW2r2h_mKMK1UU32gA0l5CeHUt70oq_zQRuax5uruHnPdqF-CeXij17Kd_ezYC4cCO6On7nkabaEBMcwZx7Fcf9gz0ifbTf8FmrHv1ODZgNL-EYDK3O56wOrhaBBJ4Yw/s1600-h/8.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248107247295604226" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgyYVbVYAaEgrEhW2r2h_mKMK1UU32gA0l5CeHUt70oq_zQRuax5uruHnPdqF-CeXij17Kd_ezYC4cCO6On7nkabaEBMcwZx7Fcf9gz0ifbTf8FmrHv1ODZgNL-EYDK3O56wOrhaBBJ4Yw/s320/8.jpg" border="0" /></a> <strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">M.Nashad Ansari</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">In response to a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by Akhil Maharashtra Muslim Khatik Samaj, stating that there were Dalits within Muslim community who needed reservation and demanded inclusion in the SC list, the Supreme Court has issued notice to the Centre seeking its reply. Further, the judge referred to the strict dictates of Quran prohibiting practice of any forms of caste system within Islam and it asked the petitioner if Islam permitted caste system. (Times of India, Jan. 26, 2008). This observation of the apex court has initiated a debate whether there is caste system in Islam or among Muslims? In the DalithVoice of March 1, 2008, the Editor V.T.Rajshekar has rightly said that ‘Muslim leaders should not oppose quota for Backward Muslims’. The current debate on the issue in the national and Muslim media establishes the Dalit Voice analysis of castes among Muslims. All social scientists agree that though there is no caste system as much in Islam, the Indian Muslim society did develop a hierarchical structure by characterizing numerous biraderis. The Quran and the Prophet’s sayings are crystal clear that all human beings are equal; all are brothers and sisters of each other.<br />However, some Muslims established superior status for themselves as ashraf or noble on the basis of their foreign descent, while descendants of indigenous converts are commonly referred as ajlaf or ‘lowly’. Some Islamic jurists too, deviating from Islamic teachings, in the name of kufu i.e. parity in marriage between the parties, legitimize castes. Even the Muslim law of marriage recognizes the doctrine of kufu in all vital respects including social status and descent, which, in India, means nothing but casteism.<br />The Sachar Committee Report, on the existence of castes among Indian Muslims, says:<br />"the present day Muslim society is divided into four major groups (i) the ashrafs, who trace their origins to foreign lands, (ii) the upper caste Hindus who converted to Islam, (iii) the middle caste converts whose occupations are ritually clean, (iv) the converts from the erstwhile Untouchable castes – Bhangi (scavengers), Mehtar (sweeper), Chamar (tanner), Halalkhor (Dom) and so on". (p. 192) On the level of backwardness, the Sachar report finds that out of every 100 workers about 11 are Hindu OBCs, three are Muslim-general and only one is Muslim OBC (p. 209), whereas the population of OBC Muslims is as much as 75% of the total Muslims’ population. Similarly, the Justice Rangnath Misra Commission finds prevalence of castes among various sections of the Indian citizenry. It concludes: "The caste is in fact a social phenomenon shared by almost all Indian communities irrespective of their religious persuasions". (Para 16.3) Historically, a good number of Dalits converted to Islam. But after conversion their socio-economic status remained impoverished, backward and downtrodden. By joining the fold of Islam they did not get such a boost to their talents and abilities that they could face equal competition with all others. They were still treated as Untouchables in the society. Most of them continued with their traditional professions as artisans, peasants and labourers, except when it was considered impure or unacceptable in Shariah. Nevertheless, of late, some of these Muslim caste groups got Islamised. They also became organized and given themselves Muslim nomenclatures. They identified and associated themselves with Islamic personalities. For example, the butchers designated themselves as Qureshi; the weavers as Ansari; the tailors as Idrisi; the Bhishtis as Abbasi; the vegetable vendors as Raeen; the barbers as Salmani; the carpenters and blacksmiths as Saifi etc.<br />In a democratic state, each socially identifiable group aspires to see its face in the development. Millions of Dalit Muslims, who are occupationally akin to the SCs, demand inclusion in the SC List to enable them to avail the benefits of reservation.<br /><br />However, on this issue Muslim leaders are divided. One group demands reservation for the Muslims as a whole. They argue that the constitution talks about protective discrimination in the context of class not caste.<br />Syed Shahabuddin, ex-MP says: "if caste can be interpreted as class, why not religion; that all Muslims are, socially and educationally, marginalized and deprived".<br />Taking same line, Dr. Abdul Haque Ansari, ex-President of Jamate-Islami, in his presidential address to the workshop on Sachar Committee Report, called the categorization of Muslim as ‘bad in taste’. He questions: ‘if the entire community stands as backward class, where does the question of other categorization on caste line arise?’<br />Jamia Nizamia of Andhra Pradesh had issued a fatwa against state govt. move to provide reservations for Muslims on the lines of castes. However most of the prominent ulema of the country, cutting across the lines of sects and organisations, had sharply reacted against the fatwa. Maulana Syed Ahmed Bukhari of Jama Masjid, Delhi, had declared that the fatwa will harm the interest of the community.<br /></span><span style="color:#ffffff;">The other group demands caste-based reservation as given in the Indian constitution. According to Kumar Suresh Singh Report of SCs, there are some 35 Muslim castes that have SC background and engage in occupations traditionally associated with SCs. They demand that Muslim SCs be included in the SC category. Their major arguments are that according to the Indian constitution religion-based reservation is invalid; that if the reservation will be given to all Muslims, the ashraf, who have historically been forward in all aspects, will corner the benefits of reservation; that if for endogamy and khilafat purpose caste could be criteria, why not for reservation also; that if Hindu, Sikh and Budhist SCs can be given reservation, why not Muslim SCs? Advocating this idea Professor Imtiaz Ahmed of JNU says that ‘en bloc reservation of Muslims is not a viable idea. Inclusion of Muslim Dalits as OBCs and MBCs makes the most sense’.<br />They also argue that all Muslims are equally deprived is incorrect. True, by and large, Muslims are deprived and face discrimination, but within the community backward Muslims, including Muslim SCs, are more under-privileged than ashraf Muslims.</span><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">The Sachar Reports says:</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">‘the incidence of poverty is highest among Muslim-OBC (38%) followed by Muslim General (35%)… Overall, the conditions of Muslim-OBCs are worse than those of Muslim-General …Within the Muslim community a larger percentage of Muslim OBCs fall in low income category as compared to Muslim-General…Within Muslims, Muslim-OBCs are slightly lagging behind the Muslim-General in high income group.’<br />In its recommendation the report says: "Being at the bottom of the Social hierarchy, the arzals [SCs] are the worst off and need to be handled separately. It would be most appropriate if they were absorbed in the SC list or at least in a separate category".<br /></span><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">Justice Misra Commission also says that ‘the caste system should be recognized as a general social characteristic of the Indian society as a whole, without questioning whether the philosophy and teachings of any particular religion recognize it or no". It further recommends that ‘Para 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 should be wholly deleted by appropriate action so as to completely de-link the Scheduled Caste status from religion’. The denial of reservation to Dalit Muslims by the Presidential Order of 1950 appeared to be with an eye on the balance of power which is tilted in favour of Hindus. Hence, the required amendment will be a step towards secularism.<br /><br />The Constitution prohibits any discrimination between the citizens. Hence, any religion-based discrimination conflicts with the letter and spirit of the provisions. In the famous Indra Sawhney Case the Supreme Court had decided that ‘a caste can be and quite often is a social class in India’. Further it conceptualizes: ‘If it is backward socially, it would be a backward class for the purpose of Article 16(4). Among non-Hindus, there are several occupational groups, sects and denominations, which for historical reasons are socially backward. They too represent backward social collectives for the purpose of Article 16(4) Identification of the backward classes can certainly be done with reference to castes among, and along with, other occupational groups, classes and section of people. (AIR 582 SC 1993). Reservation in public employment is specifically covered by Article 16(4) of the Constitution, for any backward class of citizens, which are not adequately represented in the services under the State.<br />Hence, it is expected that the Supreme Court would analyze the issue of reservation of Dalit Muslims keeping in mind the context of Indian Constitution, findings of various commissions and social realities.<br />Meanwhile, instead of shoving the issue of reservation for backward/Dalit Muslims under the carpet it is the duty of our ulema and community leaders to realise that this group needs special attention and there should be no roadblock in the way of their getting fair share, for they are, as suggested by the Sachar report, ‘cumulatively oppressed’. Repeated appeal to the Muslim community to maintain unity in the name of Islam, foregoing the constitutional benefits, will not be a wise idea. May be some day in the future reservations will be based solely on community’s impoverishment, but until then caste-based support seems to be perfectly justified. True, the Muslim community must reject the proposition of fragmentation, but they should apply the same principles of social justice as much within the community as it demands for itself within the nation. </span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-78326787104183162802008-09-20T07:09:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:12:21.490-07:00Delink Caste from Religion make Caste Religion Neutral<strong><span style="color:#33ff33;">Fr. AJS.Bosco SJ</span></strong><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;">It was a great gesture of generosity on the part of Mr. Prashant Bhusan and Mr. Shanti Bhusan, to file a Public Interest Litigation through their Trust in the Supreme Court, requesting the deletion of Para 3 of the Presidential Order 1950, and thus to do justice to the Christians of Scheduled caste origin, by granting Scheduled Caste (SC) Status. Mr. Franklin Caesar, a Christian from Tamil Nadu, is the second petitioner in the case Writ Petition-WP 180/04<br />The Presidential Order of 1950 Para 3, says "no person who professes a religion different from the Hindu Religion shall be deemed to be a member of Scheduled caste" . The Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and Buddhists of SC origin were denied the SC status. Dr. Ambedkar and the Fathers of the Indian Constitution knew that Dalits and Tribals/adivasis of our country, who form one fourth of the population, approximately about 200 millions, had been systematically exploited and oppressed for centures. Hence they devised measures of positive discrimination to help them come into the mainstream of the Society. The SC status and Tribal status, gave the right to contest in the elections for the Parliament, Assemblies, Pachayats, etc., in a given quota assigned to them. Speical legislations like The Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 and the SC/ST (Prevention of Attrocties) Act 1989 were enacted. And further, reservation in admissions and jobs and various scholarships and concessions were also worked out.<br />All the Tribals, whatever be their Religion, had been granted the Tribal status. The Dalit Sikhs after they demanded for SC status were the first to be given, after the Hindus SC status in 1956. The Buddhists were granted the SC status in 1990. THe Christians and Muslims too have been demanding for the same privileges but they have not been granted, though India claims to be a secular state.</span></div><div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">Soosai-the icon of dalit Christian Struggle:</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">Soosai, a Christian cobbler, from Tamil Nadu filed a case in the Supreme Court (Soosai Vs Union of India, 1985) demanding the privileges of the SC status. The Supreme Court accepted that caste continues even after conversion. But the case was turned down becasue the Supreme Court said that there had not been enough evidence to prove that the Dalit Christians after conversion are socially and economically as backward as the Dalit Hindus.<br />The Struggle on the part of the Dalit Chiristians continued. In 1996 after a huge rally and meeting in Vijayawada, Andhra Pradesh, Mr. Narasimha Rao, the then Honourable Prime Minister promised and the Congress party brought in a bill to grant SC status to the dalit Christians but the bill was dropped by Mr. Shivraj Patil, the then Specaker, for procedural reasons. The Hindu fundamentalist BJP government which succeeded the Congress in 1996, openly refused to consider the matter, and so till the exit of BJP government the status issue was not taken. Then when the UPA government came to power headed by the congress party, the Christian Dalits revived their agitation. It was very timely that the case WP/180/04 was filed in the Supreme Court.</span></div><div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">The outcome of Ranganath Misra Commission:</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">The chief Justice questioned the government as the why Christians of SC origin should not be given the SC status as Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists. Mr. Gopala Krishnan, the additional Secretary General requested the Supreme Court for time to study the matter (Though a study was not required as a Bill had already been prepared in 1996 by the Congress government based on a through study undertaken by the concerned departments). The conseuqence was that Justice Rangnath Misra Commission for Religious and Liguistics Minorities (NCRLM.) was given additional reference to deal with the issue of SC Christian and SC Muslims. The terms of reference given to the NCRLM on 29 October 2004, were:<br />1. To suggest criteria for identification of socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities;<br />2. To recommend measures for welfare of socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities, including reservation in education and government employment; and<br />3. To Suggest the necessary consitutional legal and administrative modalities required for the implementation of its recommendations.<br />The terms of reference of the commission was expanded on 10 May 2005, to include the concerns of the SC Christians and SC Muslims;<br />4. To give its recommendations on the issues raised by WPs/180/04 (mentioned above) and 94/05 (filed by Adv. David from Vellore, Tamil Nadu), filed in the Supreme Court and in some High Courts relating to Para 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) order 1950.<br />Four eminent persons, Justice Ranganath Misra, the former Chief Justice of India and the Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, Dr. Anil Wilson, the Principal of St. Stephen College. Mr. Tahir Mahmood, Former Chairman, National Commission for Minorities and of the Faculty of Law, Delhi University and Mr. Mahinder Singh, Director Natural Institute of Punjab Studies, Delhi, constituted the Commission for Religious and Linguistics Minorities, NCRLM. Later on Mrs. Asha Das, Secretary to the government of India was added to the team as the Member Secretary, and she assumed office on 10 May 2005.<br />The Commission took the job seriously, went to 28 states in all and consulted the Religious Leaders, Politicians, Professionals and the common people. It contacted individuals and groups to depose their opinions with evidences before the commission. It conducted Seminars and Workshops in Delhi, Mumbai, Pune and Mysore. It sponsored studies through 9 different research institutions all over the country. Groups of dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians met the Commission and expressed their views. The commission also gave a hearing to the Hindu fundamentalists who opposed to granting SC status for Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians. Finally after two years the NCRLM gave its report which was very much in favour of the SC Christians and Muslims. The most important observations are;<br />l Caste in a facts is a social phenomenon shared by almost all Indian communities irrespective of religion.<br />l Though the Consitution of India prohibits any discrimination between citizens based on caste yet it recommends affirmative action for SCs.<br />l Our constitution prohibits any discrimination based on religion.<br />l Any religion based discrimation, in relating to particular casts for affirmative action will go against the constitutions.<br />l Indian brand of Islam and Christianity never assimilated the important principles of their religions.<br />l Singling them out as not fit for positive discrimination is unrealistic and unreasonable.<br />The commission recommends the following :<br />lPara 3 of 1950 Presidental order must be wholly deleted.<br />lAppropriate action to delink the SC status from religion to the taken and make SC net fully religious neutral like that of ST.<br />l All the caste groups in Islam and Christinity whose counterparts in Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism are included in the Central or State SC list should also be covered by the SC net.<br />l SC Mulims and SC Christians now included in the BC list should be deleted from there and be transfered to SC list.<br />l Since Indian Constitution guarantees freedom of conscience and religious freedom change of religion should not affect the caste status.<br />Lone dissenting voice:<br />Only Mrs. Asha Das, dissented from the conclusions of the NCRLM, voicing the Hindu fundamentalists views. She observes the following:<br />l SC order 1936 says, "No Indian Christian shall be deemed to be a member of the Scheduled caste. The Presidential Order of the 1950 was based on that of 1936".<br />l Sikh and Buddhist religions are home grown, whereas Islam and Christianity are foreign religions.<br />l After 60 years of efforts to eradicate untouchability, to expend the lsit of untouchability is a retrograde step, not in keeping with the Constitutions.<br />l The discrimination is within the communities of Islam and Christianity and it must be addressed by internal reforms.<br />l To bring SC Christians and SC Muslims under SC list would mena that we are introducing Caste into Christianity and Islam.<br />The protection of civil rights Acts, 1955 is religion neutral.<br />l The Practice of untouchability has declined<br />l SC Hindus have opposed granting SC status to Muslims and Christians. They fear that it will affect their reservations.<br />Hence the Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians do not qualify for SC status.<br />Dr. Tahir Mahamood, considers mrs. Asha Das, not an essential part of the commission. She is only an ex-officio member by virtue of her administrative position. Therefore, he questions the propriety of this dissent note, against the unanimous recomendation of the Commission. He further observes that unwarranted caste link was made in the presidential order 1950, Para 3, that collides with the constitutional guarnatee of freedom of conscience and religious freedom and so that reasons that Mrs. Asha Das gives to justify Para 3 of the presidential Order 1950, are not valid. Moreover to compare Sikhism and Buddhism as home grown religions, with Islam and Christianity as foreign religions is an offence to Christians and Muslims.<br />The NCRLM is very definite and clear about the injustice done to Muslim Daits and Christian Dalits and recommended to the government concrete measures, in granting SC status to Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians. The UPA government, has not put them into practice though all the partners of UPA have given recommendations to delete paragraph 3 of the Presidential order 1950 and add Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims to the SC list.<br /></span><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">Congress lacks political will:</span></strong><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">The Congress leaders have no political will to do justice. They have not even tabled the report of the NCRLM in the parliament. Further the National SC Commission has also recommended strongly granting equal SC Status to the SC Mulims and SC Christians. The Congress party does not seem to care for justice nor for Indian consitution nor to the continous misery of the millions of SC Muslims and SC Christians. They still have not given a reply to the Supreme Court through the Attorney General. They are employing all the delaying tactics possible. In this context, supporting the congress anymore is equal to betraying the equal rights demands of Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims. We need to take all efforts to vote out the Congress Party,that cares neither for the welfare of the poor nor for justice, nor for the fundamental rights of the constitution.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-88042604194239542952008-09-20T07:05:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:08:33.985-07:00Dalit-Muslim voice<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6YloVbyKdMuXIQ62OAuZO4-sBJ-IU0Qc-_7pB26KPEcnsE1wDIsdGDkBm_lcx3x0g7sNt9c3b82FiW8-XxVbSl5zCPS1_F9rfaNVxuSJwAMs9lSLlwntR6Y6Cm9lFBgyxF0e3BiuxHMo/s1600-h/7.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248104998814977746" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" height="162" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6YloVbyKdMuXIQ62OAuZO4-sBJ-IU0Qc-_7pB26KPEcnsE1wDIsdGDkBm_lcx3x0g7sNt9c3b82FiW8-XxVbSl5zCPS1_F9rfaNVxuSJwAMs9lSLlwntR6Y6Cm9lFBgyxF0e3BiuxHMo/s320/7.jpg" width="247" border="0" /></a> <span style="color:#ffcc33;">- MUHAMMAD SHAHANSHAH ANSARI</span><br /><div></div><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffcc;">To broaden the perspective on Indian Dalit Muslim’s rights and status by challenging the longstanding practice of unfairness and chauvinism. To overcome the ignorance in the knowledge pertaining to multidimensional issues of complex and patriarchy based Indian Muslim socio-cultural environment.</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">Indian Dalit Muslims Voice (IDMV) was launched on July 22, 2008 to provide a platform to discuss issues concerning Indian Dalit Muslims. The idea is to call upon, engage and connect to fellow Indian Dalit Muslims in a constructive dialogue about issues dear to them ranging from social exclusion, caste-based discrimination, ethnicity, religious status, their progress from past till to date and in near future and hurdles on the path thereon.<br />To broaden the perspective on Indian Dalit Muslim’s rights and status by challenging the longstanding practice of unfairness and chauvinism. To overcome the ignorance in the knowledge pertaining to multidimensional issues of complex and patriarchy based Indian Muslim socio-cultural environment. To provide a definite and explicit voice to the Indian Dalit Muslims by articulating their concerns and distress towards restructuring their growth and development while synchronizing and maintaining a harmonious relationship with all other Indians. To establish a true and genuine Indian Dalit Muslims standpoint on various matters of concern on national front.<br />A piece of contribution from your side, will be highly appreciated. For any queries, regarding posting of articles relating to Indian Dalit Muslims on this blog, please contact me on shahanshah.java@gmail.com.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-68970689377126010292008-09-20T06:56:00.000-07:002008-09-20T07:04:45.550-07:00muslims leader's represent political parties not the muslim Community<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgAurtlLdovsRQZF2WVYNZiHEYRxOBIUp_j1HkSz9IDTAAirgjL5ZbhTmGyQ-MHPDOcLd1P1OjuRdJNeyuvufQFwRnWwbpZoKPTxI0VDbKlJunOvp96gMbK2ByKEPLMmCOSLj2TGHu236Y/s1600-h/6.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248104107260215010" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 347px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 225px; TEXT-ALIGN: center" height="206" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgAurtlLdovsRQZF2WVYNZiHEYRxOBIUp_j1HkSz9IDTAAirgjL5ZbhTmGyQ-MHPDOcLd1P1OjuRdJNeyuvufQFwRnWwbpZoKPTxI0VDbKlJunOvp96gMbK2ByKEPLMmCOSLj2TGHu236Y/s320/6.jpg" width="347" border="0" /></a><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffccff;">S Ubaidur Rahman is the editor of the book "Understanding the Muslim leadership in India" which is a collection of interviews with social, political and religious Muslims leaders of India. Global Media Publications publishes books of interest to South Asian Muslims. In this interview IndianMuslims.info asks him about the Muslim leadership of India.</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffff00;">INTERVIEW : by kashif </span></div><br /><div align="justify"><strong><span style="color:#33ffff;">Q-1. Do you see a Muslim leadership in India?</span></strong><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">S Ubaidur Rahman :</span></strong> <span style="color:#ffffff;">There is certainly a Muslim leadership in India. But it is grossly ineffective, is to say the least. Muslim leaders over the years have done little to enjoy the respect and trust of the community. They come on the scene only when election comes and disappear as soon as it is over. Mostly the Muslim leadership does not represent the Muslim community, but the political parties on whose symbol they fight elections.Mostly the leadership has exploited the Muslim masses to bring them on the streets on emotive issues, but has rarely taken any interest in issues that may benefit the community in the long run. You would never come across a Muslim leader who talks of issues like education, economic development, employment for unemployed Muslim youth and establishment of institutions of higher learning and professional institutions for the youth of the community.<br />Another major problem for the Muslim community in India is the overwhelming influence of the clergy on the Muslim society here. It is not to degrade the clergy, but with utter lack of comprehension of social, political and economic issues, they fail to understand the demands of the time. It is because the clergy comes from institutions that do not teach their students the modern issues that confront them in their daily lives. They are the ones who are least capable of guiding the community in this modern age.<br />Had their been an effective Muslim leadership, it would have certainly taken up issue of police harassment of Muslims in states like Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh besides, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh where police and anti-terrorist squads have been given a free hand to pick any Muslim youth or activist on whimsical charges. It is a very tough time for Muslims in those states, especially for young Muslims.<br /></span><br /><strong><span style="color:#66ffff;">Q-2. In recent years Communists have tried to come closer to the Muslims. Considering the condition of Muslims in West Bengal is not any better than other states, how should Muslims see this move?<br /></span><span style="color:#ff0000;">S Ubaidur Rahman :</span></strong> <span style="color:#ffffff;">Communist parties are wooing Muslims like never before. With their share in national politics shrinking fast, they are almost confined to three, four states like West Bengal, Kerala, Tripura. In this age of vote bank politics they are in desperate need of support from the Muslim community on the plank of their secular credentials. This ime in Kerala, they cornered most of Muslim votes with the help of Muslim parties like Jamat-e-Islami Hind. There is no doubt that communists are the ones who have never really cared for the upliftment of Muslims in states where they have ruled. The pitiable condition of the community in West Bengal where communists are in power for three decades speaks volumes of their apathy towards Muslims. But Muslims will continue supporting them because they are the ones who are known opponent of the ideology of hate being propagated by the RSS and the BJP.<br /></span><strong><span style="color:#66ffff;">Q-3. There are efforts being made in UP to bring all Muslim parties under one umbrella, what are your opinion about it and how it should be done so that coalition can survive even after the elections?<br /></span><span style="color:#ff0000;">S Ubaidur Rahman :</span></strong> <span style="color:#ffffff;">The recent experiment in Assam by Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) led by Badruddin Ajmal was a good example. It also gave a new hope to Muslims who had given up the thought of having successful regional Muslim pressure groups. With coalition politics taking roots in India, even small parties with two, three MLAs and MPs are able to negotiate better deals for their supporters. In this respect the idea is no doubt a hope for millions of Muslims across the country including for the Muslims in UP.<br />But the community must see as to whether the people who have initiated the move have any influence in the community. Have they done anything on grassroots level? Do they have sound financial backing to manage their expenses? Or they aim to merely cut into the votes of Muslims to enable a particular party win more seats. Ahmad Bukhari, the imam of Jama Masjid, Delhi who is in the forefront of such move in UP has made unprecedented compromises in the past.<br /></span><strong><span style="color:#66ffff;">Q-4. Why do we see conditions of Muslims in South India is much better than North Indian Muslims?</span></strong><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">S Ubaidur Rahman :</span></strong> <span style="color:#ffffff;">There are quite a few historical reasons as well as good work done by Muslims in South Indian states. Historically the South Indian Muslims have not faced the sort of upheavals faced by their fellow community members in the north. The partition affected almost the whole of north India severely.<br />But other than this reason, the South Indian Muslims invested heavily in education. This is the reason that they are almost equal in socio-economic terms with their Hindu and Christian neighbors. Muslims in north India due to some historical factors and partly due to the lack of initiative failed to do much in the field of education. This is the reason that when you find dozens of Muslim managed engineering colleges, dental colleges and IT institutes in Hyderabad, Bangalore, Chennai, Pune, Aurangabad and even in small cities like Mysore you would hardly find similar institutions of higher learning in major north Indian cities. If we leave Jamia Hamdard aside, even Delhi does not have a single professional college managed by Muslims.<br />The other important factor was the lack of government bias against Muslims in most South Indian states. Muslims have reservation in jobs in Karnataka and Kerala, whereas despite their known backward status they do not have reservation in any north Indian state.<br /></span><strong><span style="color:#66ffff;">Q-5. Can you identify people or organizations that you think are capable of giving a constructive leadership to Muslims of India?</span></strong><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">S Ubaidur Rahman :</span></strong> <span style="color:#ffffff;">This is a rather tough question. There are certain Muslim leaders who despite being in mainstream political parties have gathered courage to speak up their minds, like Abdur Rahman Antulay. But people like him are not known as community leaders. Rather they are taken as leaders of their respective parties. Muslims still have some hope from religious parties like Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Jamiat Ulama, but only if they reorient themselves and do something meaningful on a regular basis. Then there are organizations like Anjuman Islam, Khaire Ummat trusts and similar organizations in south Indian states that are spearheading the movement for education among Muslims.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-29417340282070871592008-09-20T06:55:00.001-07:002008-09-20T06:55:53.892-07:00Creating Power puff Girls<div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">One ambition fulfilled, another no more a distant dream. Both are firsts in the world - one, the Tamil Nadu Muslim Women’s Jamaat Committee and the other an all-woman mosque.<br />For Daud Sharifa Khanam, 41, the only goal was to empower Muslim women so that they can fight for their basic needs, be it emotional, physical or material.<br />But, she had no idea what she was in for. "I did not expect this response. I wanted to sensitise Muslim women about basic human rights. But, once they savoured freedom and power, they told me: ‘Now that we have come out, give us power,’" says Khanam, who thought of separate Jamaat (gathering) when she found women getting sidelined in the existing Jamaats and "male chauvinism ruling the roost."<br />"We still face threats. But, at the same time we know that many Jamaats have begun respecting us and also recommending cases to us," she adds.<br />In a world where Muslim women are seldom heard, the Jamaat was formed at a convention in Karumandapam in Tiruchy in February 2004 and the Quran was read out. It has since settled disputes relating to nikah, dowry and domestic violence. One of its Arabic scholars even conducted a ‘nikah.’<br />"This is not a religious fight. It is a struggle to empower women. We go by issues. If the men refuse to heed our decision, we take the cases to the police," said Khanam.<br />A post-graduate in history and office management from Aligarh University, Khanam came into limelight when she began speaking about a mosque for women.<br />The seed of revolt germinated in Khanam when this girl from a middle class family, where she lived in the cocoon of comfort and safety, began field studies on the condition of Muslim women in Tamil Nadu. In 1991, she formed ‘STEPS,’ an organisation to empower Muslim women.<br />It has now formed Jamaat groups in all the 13 districts of Tamil Nadu and has 10,000 members.<br />Khanam feels the Jamaat is not complete without a mosque. "It will be a place that women could call their own. A woman Quran scholar would be appointed priest. Though we were given land by the Muslim community in Parambore village, they were threatened by religious heads.<br />We did not want legal troubles later. So I have dedicated a piece of land in Pudukottai. We will build the mosque little by little as we gather money. It will be a space where women could pray, talk, laugh, share and discuss," said Sharifa, who is still being labelled as a bigot and an RSS agent.<br />When tsunami struck in December 2004, what hit Zubeda, 45, was human apathy. "I found that Christian missionaries were helping only the Christians and the Hindu organisations helping the Hindus," she said. Zubeda, who stayed in Tracepuram in Tuticorin district, approached Khanam for help. The meeting changed her life as Zubeda even challenged the Jamaat in Tuticorin.<br />Rajathi, 51, went looking for Khanam when her daughter was sent back home by her in-laws, alleging that she was HIV positive. The Jamaat at Manaparai in Madurai district, where her daughter lived, too refused to interfere. Rajathi drew strength from Khanam and filed a police complaint. Her daughter and son-in-law underwent a test again and tested negative. She is now back in her husband’s home. </span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-88995702837431974772008-09-20T06:48:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:54:47.577-07:00The Sachar Committee Report<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFZH42_Tdb2twajVXoM3rOYlNnZdK5TIq1kSZX1J6x026PQexOs_efTAjnOwJ8OaKnlREnErzYHcsLefdH47yZV3IngJl_AvEL1G3p1BU1F7Om_86jHQjYbM51qd9Kaj6y4zrtAZBxviI/s1600-h/5.jpg"><span style="color:#ffff00;"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248101205413525698" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" height="262" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFZH42_Tdb2twajVXoM3rOYlNnZdK5TIq1kSZX1J6x026PQexOs_efTAjnOwJ8OaKnlREnErzYHcsLefdH47yZV3IngJl_AvEL1G3p1BU1F7Om_86jHQjYbM51qd9Kaj6y4zrtAZBxviI/s320/5.jpg" width="220" border="0" /></span></a><span style="color:#ffffff;"><span style="color:#ffff00;"> <strong>jameel ahmed</strong></span><br /></span><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;">During March 2005 the Prime Minister’s wanted authentic information about the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. For planning, formulating and implementing specific interventions, policies and programs to address the issues relating to the socio-economic backwardness of Muslims. Hence, the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee was mandated to obtain relevant information from departments / agencies of the Central and State Governments and also conduct an intensive literature survey to identify published data, articles and research on status of Muslims in India.<br />The Committee was mandated to Study the following:<br />The Committee was to find out the asset base and income levels of Muslims relative to other groups across various states and regions.<br />Study the level of socio-economic development of Muslims in terms of relevant indicators such as religious rate, drop out rate, MMR, IMR etc. Their share in public and private sector employment, is it proportionate to their population, else the hurdles for the same.<br />The Committee was to find the proportion of OBCs from the Muslim community in the total OBC population. Are the Muslim OBCs listed in the comprehensive list of OBCs, prepared by the National and State Backward Classes Commissions? What is the share of Muslim OBCs in the total public sector employment for OBCs.<br />The Committtee had also to find out whether the Muslim community has adequate access to the education and health services, municipal infrastructure, bank credit and other services provided by the Government and public sector entities. This was to be compared with the access enjoyed by the other communities.<br />The level of social infrastructure (schools, health centres, ICDS centres etc.) located in areas of Muslim concentration in comparison to the general level of such infrastructure.<br />The Committee was to identify areas of intervention by the Government to address the relevant issues relating to the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community.<br />The Report was presented to the Prime Minister on 17 November 2006 and was tabled in Parliament on 30 November 2006 has twelve chapters. In the last chapter the Committee has given its recommendations. </span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><span style="font-size:180%;"><span style="font-size:130%;"><strong>Distressed findings of the committee:</strong> </span><br /></span>The Committee noted that the public opinion in India was divided on reservation. Some argued that policies that promote equality must aim at a substantive equal outcome. Reservations or a separate quota for Muslims in employment and educational institutions was viewed as a means to achieve this. Others felt that reservations could become a thorny issue and have negative repercussions. Some others argued that good educational facilities combined with non-discriminatory practices are adequate for Muslims to compete. Some argued that this facility should only be available to ‘dalit’ Muslims, while others suggested that the entire Community should be benefited. For some an economic criterion was an ideal basis for reservations. There were voices that questioned the non-availability of the Schedule Caste quota for Muslims while it was available to the followers of the other three religions. A large section of the people was of the conviction that political participation and representation in governance structures are essential to achieve equity. Many alleged that participation is denied to Muslims through a variety of mechanisms. While it was pointed out that many names of Muslims were missing in the voter lists of a number of states, the Committee’s attention was also drawn to the issue of Muslim concentration constituencies of Assemblies and Parliament declared as reserved for Schedule Caste persons while constituencies with very low Muslim population but high SC concentration remain unreserved. Hence, it was argued that Muslims are being systematically denied political participation. </span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><span style="font-size:130%;"><strong>Education:</strong></span><br />In the field of literacy the Committee found that the rate among Muslims was far below the national average. The gap between Muslims and the general average is greater in urban areas and women. 25 per cent of Muslim children in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended school or have dropped out. Expansion of educational opportunities since Independence has not led to a convergence of attainment levels between Muslims and all others. Drop out rates among Muslims are higher at the level of primary, middle and higher secondary. The Committee observed that since artisanship is a dominant activity among Muslims technical training should be provided to even those who may not have completed schooling. The disparity in graduation attainment rates is widening since 1970s between Muslims and all other categories in both urban and rural areas. In premier colleges only one out of 25 under-graduate students and one out of 50 post-graduate students is a Muslim.<br />Unemployment rate among Muslim graduates is the highest among all socio-religious communities. Only 3% of Muslim children among the school going age go to Madarsa (The religious schools). There is dearth of facilities for teaching Urdu. Lower enrolment in Urdu medium schools is due to limited availability of such schools at the elementary level. It is also noted that there is not a single Urdu medium school in UP.<br />The Committee found that Muslim parents are not averse to mainstream education or to send their children to affordable Government schools. But the access to government schools for Muslim children is limited. There is non-availability of schools within easy reach for girls at lower levels. Absence of girls hostels and female teachers are also impeding factors. The changes in the educational patterns across the various religious groups and communities suggests that the schedule castes and schedule tribes have definitely reaped the advantages of targeted government and private action supporting their educational progress.<br />The sharper focus on school education combined with more opportunities in higher education for Muslims is desirable. Moreover, skill development initiatives for those who have not completed school education is also particularly relevant for some sections of Muslims given their occupational structure. </span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">Workers:</span></strong><br />Bidi workers, tailors and mechanics need to be provided with social safety nets and social security. The participation of Muslims in the professional and managerial cadre is low. Muslim regular workers are the most vulnerable with no written contract and social security benefits. Muslim regular workers get lower daily earnings in both public and private jobs compared to other socio-religious communities. Since a large number of Muslim workers are engaged in self-employment, skill development and credit related initiatives need to be tailored for such groups.<br /></span></div><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">Credit Facilities:</span></strong><br />The average amount of bank loan disbursed to the Muslims is 2/3 of the amount disbursed to other minorities. In some cases it is half. The Reserve Bank of India’s efforts to extend banking and credit facilities under the Prime Minister’s 15-point programme of 1983 has mainly benefited other minorities marginalizing Muslims. Muslim community is not averse to banking and more improvements can be brought about with specific measures. Inadequate targeting and geographical planning has resulted in a failure to address the economic problems of Muslims in rural areas. Some banks have identified a number of Muslim concentration areas as negative geographical zones where bank credit and other facilities are not easily provided. Steps should be introduced to specifically direct credit to Muslims, create awareness of various credit schemes and bring transparency in reporting of information.</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">Basic Facilities:</span></strong><br />There is a clear and significant inverse association between the proportion of the Muslim population and the availability of educational infrastructure in small villages. Muslim concentration villages are not well served with pucca approach roads and local bus stops. The concentration of Muslims in states lacking infrastructural facilities implies that a large proportion of the community is without access to basic services. In both urban and rural areas, the proportion of Muslim households living in pucca houses is lower than the total population. Compared to the Muslim majority areas, the areas inhabiting fewer Muslims had better roads, sewage and drainage and water supply facilities. Substantially larger proportion of the Muslim households in urban areas is in the less than Rs.500 expenditure bracket.</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">In Government Jobs:</span></strong><br />The presence of Muslims has been found to be only 3% in the IAS, 1.8% in the IFS and 4% in the IPS. The share of Muslims in employment in various departments is abysmally low at all levels. Muslim community has a representation of only 4.5% in Indian Railways while 98.7% of them are positioned at lower levels. Representation of Muslims is very low in the Universities and in Banks. In no state does the representation of Muslims in the government departments match their population share. Their share in police constables is only 6%, in health 4.4%, in transport 6.5%. There is need to ensure a significant presence of Muslims especially in those departments that have mass contact on a day to day basis or are involved in sensitive tasks. Targeted programs are required to be put in place. The coverage of Muslims in ICDS program is poor in most states. For the Maulana Azad Education Foundation to be effective the corpus fund needs to be increased to 1000 Crores. Total allocation in the four years 2002 to 2006 for Madarsa Modernization Scheme is 106 Crores. The information regarding the Scheme has not adequately percolated down. Even if the share of Muslims in elected bodies is low they and other under represented segments can be involved in the decision making process through innovative mechanisms.</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">Inconsistent Laws:</span></strong><br />The Presidential Order of 1950 is inconsistent with Article 14, 15, 16 and 25 of the Constitution that guarantee equality of opportunity, freedom of conscience and protect the citizens from discrimination by the State on grounds of religion, caste or creed.<br />Most of the variables indicate that Muslim-OBCs are significantly deprived in comparison to Hindu-OBCs. The work participation rate (WPR) shows the presence of a sharp difference between Hindu-OBCs (67%) and the Muslims. The share of Muslim-OBCs in government/ PSU jobs is much lower than Hindu-OBCs. Out of every hundred workers about eleven are Hindu-OBCs, only three are Muslim-Gen and one is a Muslim-OBC. The monthly Per Capita Expenditure of Muslims is much lower than the national average. Benefits of entitlements meant for the backward classes are yet to reach Muslim OBCs. The condition of Muslims in general is also lower than the Hindu-OBCs who have the benefit of reservations.<br /></span></div><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">WAKF boards:<br /></span></strong>There are about 5 lakh registered Wakfs with 6 lakh acre land and Rs 6,000 crore book value. But the gross income from all these properties is only 163 crores i.e. 2.7%. The management of Wakf Boards is unsatisfactorily due to inadequate empowerment of the State Wakf Boards and Centreal Wakf Council. Encroachment of Wakf properties by the State is a common practice. The attitude of the State Governments and their agencies has resulted in large scale abrogation of the cherished objectives of the Wakfs. Fresh institutional support is essential. A number of Wakf properties have been acquired although compensation was not paid.<br />High legislative, administrative and judicial priority should be accorded to Wakf matters in order to improve the management of about five lakh properties across India. The Chairman and Members of the State Wakf Boards can be selected from a list of eminent persons in each state. The Government should create a new cadre of officers with knowledge of Islamic law to deal with the specific affairs of the Wakfs efficiently. A National Wakf Development Corporation and State Corporations should be established. The lease period of Wakf properties may be increased up to 30 years where the property is used for education, health care and other purposes consistent with the objects of the Wakf provided the lessee is a registered society or a registered trust doing charity work. Wakf properties should be exempted from Rent Control Act and Land Acquisition Act. Wakf Tribunal should be manned by full time presiding officers appointed exclusively for Wakf purposes. The Public Premises Eviction Act should be applied to remove encroachments from Wakf properties. Failure on the part of the state and statutory bodies entrusted with safeguarding Wakf properties has caused disquiet in the Muslim community.<br /></span></div><br /><div align="justify"><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong><span style="font-size:130%;">Recommendations:</span></strong><br />1. The Muslim community exhibits deficits and deprivation in practically all dimensions of development. Mechanisms to ensure equity and equality of opportunity to bring about inclusion should be such that diversity is achieved and at the same time the perception of discrimination is eliminated.<br />2. Creation of a National Data Bank (NDB) where all relevant data for various Socio Religious Communities are maintained has been recommended along with an autonomous Assessment and Monitoring Authority to evaluate the extent of development benefits which accrue to different Socio Religious Communities through various programs.<br />3. An Equal Opportunity Commission should be constituted to look into the grievances of the deprived groups. A carefully conceived nomination procedure should be worked out to increase inclusiveness in governance.<br />4. The Committee has recommended elimination of the anomalies with respect to reserved constituencies under the delimitation scheme. The idea of providing certain incentives to a diversity index should be explored. Incentives can be related to this index so as to ensure equal opportunities to all socio religious communities in the fields of education, governance, private employment and housing.<br />5.State functionaries should be sensitive to the need to have diversity and the problems associated with social exclusion.<br />6. A process of evaluating the content of the school textbooks needs to be initiated and institutionalized. The UGC should evolve a system where part of the allocation to colleges and universities is linked to the diversity in the student population. To facilitate admissions to the most backward amongst all the socio religious communities in the regular universities and autonomous colleges, alternate admission criteria need to be evolved. Providing hostel facilities at reasonable costs for students from minorities must be taken up on a priority basis. Teacher training should be compulsory ensuring in its curriculum the components which introduce the importance of diversity and plurality. The teachers should be sensitized towards the needs and aspirations of Muslims and other marginalized communities. The states should run Urdu medium schools.<br />7. Work out mechanisms whereby Madarsas can be linked with a higher secondary school board so that students wanting to shift to a regular mainstream education can do so after having passed from a Madarsa. Recognition of the Madarsa degrees for eligibility in competitive examinations is desirable.<br />8. The Committee recommended promoting and enhancing access to Muslims in Priority Sector Bank Advances. The real need is of policy initiatives that improve the participation and share of the Minorities, particularly Muslims in the business of regular commercial banks.<br />9.The community should be represented on interview panels and Boards. The underprivileged should be helped to utilize new opportunities in its high growth phase through skill development and education.<br />10. Provide financial and other support to initiatives built around occupations where Muslims are concentrated and have growth potential. </span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-91609194670450390352008-09-20T06:36:00.002-07:002008-09-20T06:47:42.809-07:00mayavathi's demand for sc rights to dalit muslims, christians<div align="justify"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhb64rdjdUD0qF-21ASdlA0TlFXHidJoAtOLyD_jy5lkn1uVOyXfdXmRiB3sIjx910Y6ZcOYKUXAe8uMe0HO9vOCYv1V3REAtz6tKshIXKweJ1AsJhmG707vBE5thyphenhyphenIVgEMshMjMo7t0rk/s1600-h/4.jpg"><span style="color:#ffffff;"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248097449210633714" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhb64rdjdUD0qF-21ASdlA0TlFXHidJoAtOLyD_jy5lkn1uVOyXfdXmRiB3sIjx910Y6ZcOYKUXAe8uMe0HO9vOCYv1V3REAtz6tKshIXKweJ1AsJhmG707vBE5thyphenhyphenIVgEMshMjMo7t0rk/s320/4.jpg" border="0" /></span></a><span style="color:#ffffff;"> The following is the text of the Joint Statement made to the media by Advocate Salahuddin Shibu, National President, All India Dalit Muslim Morcha, and Dr John Dayal, Secretary General, All India Christian Council and member, national Integration Council, at the conclusion of seminar "Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians: Restoration of Reservations and rights under the Constitution’ organized at Asha Deep, Wazir Hasan Road, by the aicc and the AIDMM. The seminar was attended, among others, by eminent writer Mudrarakshash, former Lucknow university vice chancellor Prof Roop Rekha Verma, Rev Moses Parmar, All India Christian Council, Mufti-e-shahr Hazrat Maulana Irfan Mian Firangimahali, Advocate Mushtaq Ahmed Siddiqui, ex-Member, UP State Minorities Commission, Mr. Wasim Haider, Mr. M A Haseeb, President, Muslim Samaj, Chowdhary Ale Umar Qureshi, president, Jamiat-ul Quresh, Uttar Pradesh, Mrs. Zarina Usmani, ex-member, UP State Women’s Commission, Mr. Anwar Alam, Mr. Afzal Ahmad Khan and Mr. Muinullah Khan. Mr. Anis Ahmad Khan, Vice President, AIDMM, presided.]<br />Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians, who constitute more than half of their respective community’s populations in the country, have been among the most marginalized and deprived sections of society. Victims, together with their brethren in the majority community, of the age-old stigma and exclusion of caste, they figure at the bottom of the development scale. And yet, they were ruthlessly and arbitrarily deprived of their Constitutional rights by the Presidential Order of 1950. This order, in violation of the secular promise of the Constitution of the new-born Republic of India, made religion the basis of affirmative action, and robbed Dalit Muslims and Christians of affirmative action such as the reservations in government jobs given to Dalits professing the Hindu faith. Subsequently, this was put in the Constitution as Article 341.<br />Dalit Christians and Muslims have consistently struggled against this Act, which communalizes an otherwise Secular Constitution, and deprives them of representation in political processes from panchayat to Parliament.<br />The Congress government headed by Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao had in fact moved a Bill in Parliament granting such rights. However, it seems the UPA Government had succumbed to the pressure of upper caste vested interests and right wing political groups of the Sangh Parivar and has reneged on its own promises for such basic Human rights.<br />While the Supreme Court has admitted Public Interest writ petitions on the issue, the Government of India has been adopting dilatory tactics before the Court, repeatedly referring the matter to one National Commission after another.<br />The Government admits that every single Constitutional authority in the country has upheld the legal and moral validity of the demand of the Dalit Christians. But after the Supreme Court was moved, the Government first sent the issue to the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, headed by former Chief Justice of India Mr. Rangnath Misra, to suggest if Dalit and Backward Christians and Muslims could be treated at par with other<br />with Scheduled Castes for reservations in Government jobs and admission in educational institutions. Justice Misra said the Dalit Christians had a legitimate case for being treated at par with other scheduled castes. The Government then sent the issue the National Commission for<br />Scheduled Castes, headed by former Union Home Minister Dr Buta Singh, who also ruled the commission had no objection to extending reservation to Dalit Christians and Muslims but the 15 per cent quota for Scheduled Castes should not be disturbed. The issue was then referred to the National Commission for Backward Classes.<br />We have ample reason to suspect the Government’s intentions. It did not undertake this lengthy process while extending the reservations and other privileges to Sikhs and Buddhist Dalits some years ago. It is only in the case of the Dalit Christian and Dalit Muslim demand that these new regulations have been suddenly discovered.<br />The Centre for Public Interest Litigation and several others in their Civil writ petitions in the Supreme Court have requested it to declare clause (3) of the Constitution (scheduled castes) order, 1950 as unconstitutional and void as it denied benefits to Dalit Christians and Muslims.<br />Most political parties, in the United Progressive Alliance which rules at<br />the Centre, as well as in the Opposition ranks, have supported the cause of the Dalit Christians. These include three major parties – the Communist Party Marxist-led Left Front which rules in West Bengal and Kerala, the Bahujan Samaj Party in power in Uttar Pradesh, and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam which has a Government in Tamil Nadu. The Hindutva Bharatiya Janata Party is the solitary one to continue to oppose. But even its allies, including Bihar chief Minister Nitish Kumar, have extended full support to the Dalit Muslims and Christians.<br />The long delay in removing the religious bigotry in the law is both illegal and against the proclaimed secular policies of the United Progressive Alliance. The Government need not wait for the Supreme Court to decide the matter, but can announce its own decision in Parliament through appropriate legislation. The sooner it does so, thebetter will it be for its own credibility, and for the cause of freedom of faith and justice in India.<br />We also call upon the Bahujan Samaj Party government of Ms Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh<br />to use their tremendous political capital to put pressure on the Union Government to grant full Constitutional rights to Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians in keeping with its own ‘Sarvjan Sukhai Sarjan Hitai’ political ideology. </span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-61782528379394855442008-09-20T06:36:00.001-07:002008-09-20T06:36:42.692-07:00mayavathi's deman forthe muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-49304711221247635602008-09-20T06:32:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:35:36.770-07:00Dalit Muslim-Christian Federation to hold Public rally<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiBiOIgctTj9bWqEhHukaezOI2kwYzV8vMNFnejgJam-DutH4A6lB0rzWwUjj74lA4GhReM5WbBtpG3Jip2x4lvC6uLchfB3OykD_UuGJvcMtmm3S5IMm8jZQZ00S8-YGM-dukstmm8VI4/s1600-h/3.jpg"><span style="color:#ffffff;"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248096442501049282" style="FLOAT: right; MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiBiOIgctTj9bWqEhHukaezOI2kwYzV8vMNFnejgJam-DutH4A6lB0rzWwUjj74lA4GhReM5WbBtpG3Jip2x4lvC6uLchfB3OykD_UuGJvcMtmm3S5IMm8jZQZ00S8-YGM-dukstmm8VI4/s320/3.jpg" border="0" /></span></a><span style="color:#ffffff;"><br /></span><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">The newly formed Dalit Muslim-Christian Federation (DMCF) has decided to hold a public rally in New Delhi on Friday, August 31, 2007 to press its demand for Reservation for Dalit Muslims and Christians in government sector.<br />President of the Federation, Solomon George, said it was for the Central government to take a decision, as the Supreme Court has referred the issue to it.<br />It may be noted that Justice Misra Commission has recommended reservation for dalits and the Supreme Court hearing on July 19 through the Chief Justice has given Government of India eight weeks time to come before the Court again to disclose its decision on the issue.<br />And clearly it is in the government’s court whether to allow the reservation for dalits or not.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-75452588790273386372008-09-20T06:31:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:32:35.292-07:00scholars on Indian Muslims<div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#33ffff;">Dr B R Ambedkar’s says:<br /></span></strong><span style="color:#ffffff;">"Islam is the only religion which brings all people together through universal brotherhood, irrespective of their race and colour. But it has failed to eradicate caste distinctions that are deeply rooted in the Indian Muslim communities."<br />"Studies have shown that the caste feeling is wide-spread within the Muslim community to the extent of creating distinct social strata. This is one of the characteristic features of the Indian Muslim community."</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-82475154133427147482008-09-20T06:24:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:30:39.882-07:00MUSLIM CASTES AND COMMUNITIES OF INDIA<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZq69NiJNnfHHjyOJtM5JJwxOYEn5Nrg_jdLKkX6vWKos3-_62dNxgVOkn_DxzC4gFwMgB_crQQgibhcds2ldkpS9wvNTXZJWqMp2Qqd7VyS-MarJcKcg86IyGzca09W0RAm5uNvwia_w/s1600-h/2.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248095296676655282" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZq69NiJNnfHHjyOJtM5JJwxOYEn5Nrg_jdLKkX6vWKos3-_62dNxgVOkn_DxzC4gFwMgB_crQQgibhcds2ldkpS9wvNTXZJWqMp2Qqd7VyS-MarJcKcg86IyGzca09W0RAm5uNvwia_w/s320/2.jpg" border="0" /></a><br /><div><span style="font-family:times new roman;color:#ffff66;"><strong>S. BABU. KOWDENAHALLY</strong></span><br /><span style="font-family:times new roman;color:#ffff66;"><strong>BANGALORE</strong></span><br /><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">The Quran says "O mankind, I have created you from a single male and female, and have made you into nations and tribes…"(49:13). This text shows that there are many Muslim identities under the umbrella of Islam. These identities are spread across different parts of the globe and have grown with the imbibing of diverse realities of local contexts. This is true for Indian Muslims also.<br />There is clear literary evidence that a majority of Muslims are converts from oppressed caste groups, which form lower strata of our society. Yoginder Sikand says, "most Indian Muslims are descendants of converts from ‘untouchables’ and ‘low’ castes, with only a small minority tracing their origins to Arab, Iranian and Central Asian settlers and invaders. Although the Quran is fiercely egalitarian in its social ethics, the Indian Muslim society is characterised by numerous caste-like features, consisting of several caste-like groups (jatis). The Ajlafs are commonly and contemptuously referred to as ‘base’ or ‘lowly’. As among the Hindus, the various jatis among the Ajlaf Muslims maintain a strong sense of jati identity.<br />Mohammed Kalam, a research scholar of sociology from Jamia Millia Islamia University feels that "Sharing a mass prayer in a Masjid doesn’t’t necessarily dilute the contours of disparity. People cannot be maintained in a state of disillusionment for eternity. In fact, the Muslim society is fragmented into various castes, and there is no denying the fact that the forward Muslims are bigger exploiters than their counterparts in other communities." He opines, "Horizontal division is not unknown among the Muslims world over. There are tribes and sects of competing interests. But such vertical division based on exploitation, with perceptible social consequence, can rarely be found anywhere else, and is peculiar to this country." Kalam elucidates two probable reasons for this, "First, the interaction between Hindus and Muslims in which one culture is influenced by the other; and second and perhaps more definite, is the low caste (Hindu) origin of the backward Muslims." Kalam believes that though the caste system is not so elaborate, complete, and defined in Muslims as it is amongst the Hindus, it is equally exploitative in nature. </span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong>Noted scholar Zarina Bhatti says:</strong><br />"Muslims in India are sharply divided into two categories, Ashrafs and Ajlafs. The former have superior status derived from their foreign ancestry. The Ashrafs, or those who claim a foreign descent, are further divided into four castes, Syeds, Sheiks, Mughals and Pathans, in that order of rank. The non-Ashrafs are alleged to be converts from Hinduism, and are therefore drawn from the indigenous population. They in turn, are divided into a number of occupational castes."1<br />Another noted scholar Asgar Ali Engineer says:<br />"While Islam does not recognise caste distinctions, Indian Muslim society is based on various caste and ethnic communities. Muslims may belong to a faith-based community, but in sociological and even theological terms are not homogeneous. They are divided into numerous sects, and in India, into various caste groups as well."<br />A similar point was made by P S Krishnan, former chairman of the Backward Classes Commission, who pointed out that caste is a pan-Indian rather than simply a Hindu Institution. The mere fact of a Muslim or Christian OBC belonging to a non-Hindu faith makes no difference to his or her poverty and the discrimination that he or she faces.2<br />It is estimated that there are more than 250 Muslim sub-communities existing in India. In Karnataka it is estimated that there are more than 50 sub-communities. Based on the correlation of Hindu occupational groups and socio cultural backgrounds it is clear that mat weavers, stonecutters, and knife grinders have dalit roots. Similarly, bear charmers, snake charmers and Banjaras have tribal origins. The Tamil Nadu Government enlists the Rautar and Marakayyar communities under SC category. We can thus attempt to classify Indian Muslim communities based on their existing occupations. We observe that most of the traditional occupational communities trace their lineages to dalit, tribal and backward castes.<br />Indian Muslim castes/ communities<br />The Mandal Commission has made an attempt to classify Muslim backward occupational communities and has declared 80 Muslim occupational groups as backward. Among these are weavers, oil crushers, carpenters and dhobis. Based on this, several states have made attempts to recognise the backward occupational groups in their regions. But comprehensive data on the caste-like Muslim communities at the national level is still not available. The Parliament has acknowledged the existence of castes among Muslim communities in India. During the debate in Parliament on Constitution (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) Orders (amendment) Bill, 2002, Dr Raghuvansh Prasad Singh stated:<br />"In Islam there is no provision for caste system as in Hindu religion. However, caste system is seen in India even among the Muslims. Some Muslim communities like Kalar, Bakkho, and Rime deserve to be included in the list of Scheduled Castes. Their economic, social and educational conditions are poor. The Government should pay attention towards this issue and consider increasing the percentage of reservation for them. I request that a study by the Social Welfare Department or any other agency be conducted to assess their condition for including them in the list of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes."<br />During a discussion in Parliament on the Bill, Shri Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi said:<br />"In North Bengal there is a Muslim community called Shershabadi spread from Murshidabad to Coochbihar. This community has appealed to the Backward Class Commission numerous times for its inclusion in the backward communities."3<br />Indeed, the Mandal Commission report has influenced the states to reconsider the facts related to Muslim castes and occupational communities. Along with the Mandal Commission, the Backward Commission and Minority Commission at the national and state levels, have made attempts to classify backward occupational communities among Muslims. Based on the reports, the following is the scenario of Muslim caste communities in some North Indian states:<br />Madhya Pradesh - As Many as 70-80 % of Muslims in the state fall under the category of Other Backward Classes (OBCs).<br />According to a report submitted to the State Government by the Madhya Pradesh Minorities’ Commission on September 25,2005<br />"40 communities including Rangrez, Bhishti, Chhipa, Hela, Bhatiyara, Dhobi, Mewati, Pinjara, Naddaf, Faqir, Dhunia, Manihar, Qasai, Mirasi, Badhai, Hajjam, Hammal, Monin, Luhar etc., have been incorporated in the OBC category."4<br />Uttaranchal - Momin Ansar has been included as a backward community among 79 other groups.<br />Manipur - Meitei has been categorised as a backward community. This includes Meitei Brahmin, Meitei Sanamahi and Meitei Rajkumar. Also falling under the Meitei umbrella are the Meitei Pangal Muslims.<br />Assam - Among 28 communities, Manipuri Muslims and Maimals (Muslim fishermen) are included in the backward category.<br />Gujarat - Over 20 castes from the Muslim community have been included in the OBC category with 138 other OBCs.<br />Jharkhand - Momin (Muslim) is one group among 30 others enlisted as a backward community.<br />Jammu and Kashmir - Follows other states on the backward list.<br />An overview of the national scenario raises the following important issues, which need immediate attention.<br />· There is a gap in the number of existing Muslim caste communities and those enlisted.<br />· The enlisting of these communities as OBCs hardly makes any difference since most of the land owning/ dominant/ socio-politically powerful castes are also included in this list. It is highly impossible for all these Muslim castes/ communities to access the provided facilities.<br />· There is a need to review the rationale for enlisting these communities. Clustering all Muslim castes/ communities under the OBC category is socially unjust. It is observed that in most of the communities, not only occupations but also socio-economic and educational backwardness are similar to that of Dalits.<br />· Constitutional provisions make enlisting possible by the states but it also creates anger and frustration in the minds of other deserving communities. Some times enlisting is not possible since backwardness has to be proved with a lot of scientific data. The recent experiences of Muslim communities of Andhra Pradesh bear testimony to this. Enlistments made merely to fulfill election manifestos of political parties do not bring social justice to deprived Muslim occupational groups.<br />Considering that caste is a pan Indian phenomenon found in every religion, and that each caste is based on occupation, traditional occupations can be called as pan Indian phenomena across religions. It is critical for the Indian census operation to collect information on Muslim communities according to their traditional occupations. The information would help in developing long-term and short-term strategies to address the socio-economic backwardness of these communities.<br />The 1931 census of India conducted by British rulers sets the rationale of considering castes on the basis of occupations. However, Yoginder Sikand argues that<br />"Several castes, such as the Banjaras, Dhobis, Nats, Lalbegis, Halalkhors, Jogis, Pasis, Mochis, Kathiks, Julahas, Darzis and the Rangrezes consist of both Hindus and Muslims."<br />This argument again proves that caste and occupation are pan Indian irrespective of religion. But in the year 1950, a Presidential Order was passed and; an amendment was made to article 341 according to which, the Indian Constitution enables the President of India to notify a particular caste as Scheduled Caste. Only Dalits who claimed to be Hindus could enjoy government facilities. The Congress party deliberately used this opportunity to strengthen their vote banks among minorities in the name of appeasement. The then Muslim leaders of upper caste/ class did not question the presidential order. In a way this order separates and divides Dalits in the name of religion. 5</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong>The caste experiences of southern states</strong><br />The scenario of occupational groups within the Muslim community in Southern India is not very different from the rest of the country. The Mapillas of Kerala are Muslims. In Malayalam ‘Mapilla’ means son-in-law. According to the story behind the origin of this community, the Arab traders who came to Kerala during the medieval period, gradually developed social relationships with the locals, married into them and settled down in the coastal areas. As a result they came to be known as the ‘sons-in-law’ or ‘Mapillas’ of the region. Their descendants formed the clan of ‘sons-in-law’ and practiced matriarchal system of inheritance. In due course they came to be known as Mapillas. This society has five subgroups namely Tangal, Arabies, Malabaries, Pusalar and Ossan. These subgroups are hierarchically graded. Tangals form the top-most stratum. Tangal is a respectable term normally used to honor Nambhudaries or Kerala Brahmins. Following the Tangals are the Arabies and below them are the Malabaries. Commenting on these communities, Victor D’ Souza says:<br />"The Pusalars are converts from the Hindu fishermen community (Mukkuvans). Their conversion took place relatively late because of which, in addition to their lowly occupation of fishing, they were allotted a low status in the Mapilla society. The Pusalars are spread all along the coastline of Kerala and till today, continue their traditional occupation of fishing.<br />The Ossans are a group of barbers among the Mapillas and on the basis of their very low occupation, are ranked the lowest. Their womenfolk perform as hired singers during social occasions such as weddings." 10<br />Disabilities inflicted on lower castes within the Kerala Muslim (and of course Hindu) society existed in the Lakshadweep Islands. Leela Dube who studied the caste hierarchies prevailing in the Islands in some detail, quotes in her book (edited by Imtiaz Ahmed),<br />"The aristocracies called the Karnavars are descendants of Nambhudaries and Nayars. They are also referred to by the respectful appellation, Koya, which means a religious dignitary. It was this class that monopolised land and boat owning. The Malumis or Urukkars formed the sailor caste; and the Melacheris (literally, tree climbers) formed a class of serfs, who earned their livelihood by plucking coconuts, tilling their lords’ lands, rowing their boats. The number of castes or classes varied from island to island, some places having four instead of three. One island, Agathi, was regarded as a Melacheri island. This shows the structure of Muslim communities of Laccadives."11</span></div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;"><strong>Muslim castes/ communities of Karnataka</strong><br />The identification and enlisting of all the Muslim castes/ communities/ subgroups in Karnataka has not happened so far. But some attempts towards the same have been made through Backward Commissions. These Commissions have identified and to some extent, provided information and insights on 25 Muslim communities in the State. However it is estimated that there are nearly 52 such communities. The enlisting of these communities is based on the criteria of social, economic and educational backwardness. In Karnataka, Muslims constitute 12% of the total population and form the second largest community in the state. Among them 9% speak Urdu as their mother tongue. A point to be noted here is that, although the Karnataka Minorities Commission made a study on the educational, economic and social conditions of these communities they are still jointly viewed as a monolithic community. There is no information on the distinct identities of the subgroups. Some specific information is provided though, on jataka pullers, agarbatti workers, sericulture workers, and beedi rollers.<br />However it must be acknowledged that the attempt made by the Minority Commission is commendable. The Government has implemented some of the recommendations made by the Karnataka Minorities Commission. The Commission headed by Dr R Nagan Gowda in the year 1960, enlisted nine backward communities among Muslims. They are Mapillas, Pinjara, Chapparband, Laddaf, Kasab (Kasai), Katharga, Dudekula, Labbe and Pindare. A majority of the members of the Committee have felt that the Muslim community as a whole should be classified as socially backward.In the second Backward Commission report, Justice Venkataswami mentions that:<br />"Muslims form the major minority community in Karnataka as elsewhere in India. Although Muslims are not supposed to have caste distinctions as seen in Hindu Dharma, many castes and sub-groups have been reflected in our 1984 survey, based on their vocations. These are Bagawan, Chapparband, Darvesu, Fakeera, Hanafi, Jathagera, Kalal, Katukaru/ Kasai, Labbe, Laddaf/ Nadaf, Madari, Mapillai/ Moplas/ Kaka/ Byari, Mohamadiya, Momin, Pathan, Pendar, Phoolmali, Pinjar/ Doodekalu, Qureshi, Syed, Shafai, Sheik, Shia, and Sunni."6<br />The third Backward Classes Commission (Chinnappa Reddy Commission) noticed that "the problem of backwardness is a direct result of the defective social order, and the caste system of Hindu society has influenced to some extent, the creation of high and low classes even among Muslims and Christians." 25<br />The Karnataka Public Service Commission has enlisted the entire Muslim community under backward class based on its socio, economic and educational backwardness. It has also enlisted occupational communities under different categories.<br />There are some discrepancies observed in enlisting different caste-like communities in the various Backward Class Commission reports. For example, Mapilla, Katharga, Labbe, Pindare, Bagwan, Jathagera, Kalal, Madari, Byari, Momin, Pendar were listed in the first Commission Report, but were not enlisted in later reports. Whereas some communities like Phoolmali, Chapparband, Darvesu, Qureshi and Nalband are enlisted as most backward castes.<br />Reservation controversies and Muslims communities<br />Not long ago, the Government of Andhra Pradesh issued an ordinance to create 5% reservation for the Muslim community. But behind this action lay a political motive. It was a strategy put forth by the Congress party to get more votes from the Muslim community during the Assembly election. The non-Congress parties raised their voice against this ordinance and the Andhra Pradesh High Court rejected the appeal for creating the reservation and ordered the Backward Class Commission to verify the basis for it. When the Andhra Pradesh Government made another appeal for creating the reservation in the Supreme Court, it was again rejected. The Government faced great insult. It was suggested that on the basis of social backwardness only the Dudekula community could be enlisted as a backward class. Although the Constitution gave clear direction not to provide reservation on the basis of religion, the Andhra Pradesh Government disregarded this.<br />On the other hand various Muslim communities enjoy reservations in different states and in different forms. The Marakayyars and Rautar communities in Tamil Nadu have been brought under the scheduled caste category based on their social and economic backwardness and receive reservation facilities.<br />Identification of castes on the basis of the occupation of the community has been practiced since pre-independence. Reservation and other facilities are received based on the criteria of caste and its status. Today, ‘caste-based politics’ and ‘caste-based representations’ are considered seriously because directly or indirectly, social, economic, and educational backwardness is equated to caste identity and numerical strength.<br />The declaration for the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report and violence by anti-reservationists in the ‘90s, are landmarks in the history of this country. These developments gave way to a new era of politics with ‘caste-identities’. The then coalition government headed by Prime Minister V P Singh made a detailed investigation into the Constitutional provisions of reservation to backward class communities, the nature of implementation and its impacts.<br />New political dimensions such as ‘identity politics’ have come into existence with the declaration of the Mandal Commission Report. The Commission has inspired downtrodden communities to take up different political strategies and since then, political equations have changed. The new political formula of caste politics has received prominence. Muslim communities in different regions have also started to rethink about their caste identities. The Mandal Commission has identified several Muslim communities having close resemblance to Hindu caste groups that fall under the reservation category. These Muslim communities are considered as ‘socially backward’ and have distinct ‘caste identities’ within the Muslim world. With this background the roles played by North Indian social activists Dr Ezaz Ali and Ali Anwar are very significant. They organised the most backward communities among Muslims and presented the new concept of ‘Dalit Muslims’.<br />( Footnotes )<br />1 Taken from ‘Social Stratification Among Muslims in India<br />’ by Zarina Bhatti in ‘Caste: Its Twentieth Century Avatar ’ edited by M N Srinivas, Viking, New Delhi, 1996<br />2 Muslim and Dalit OBC Conference: A report by Yoginder Sikand, Milli Gazette November, 2005<br />3 2002, By Lok Sabha Secretariat<br />4 Hindustan Times, September 25, 2005<br />5 ‘A New Indian Muslim Agenda: The Dalit Muslims and the All India Backward Muslim Morcha’, Internet source, www.Truthindia.com/page73.html<br />6 2nd Backward Classes Commission report Vol. III, 1986, Government of Karnataka, Page 50</span></div></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-27160519473679525722008-09-20T06:23:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:24:07.189-07:00Wakf Development Corporation<div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">The Central Wakf Council has emphasized on the need of setting up the National Wakf Development Corporation. It has also stressed on exemption of Wakf properties from the purview of the various legislations as recommended in the Sachar Committee report. At the Council 52nd meeting here recently, the members were informed that the Central Wakf Council would send its views on the proposed amendments in the Wakf Act, 1995.</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-71770508855687183532008-09-20T06:21:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:23:10.304-07:00Sachar Chapter in Syllabus<span style="color:#ffffff;">In a bold and an unprecedented move, the central government has included in high school syllabus, the facts and figures provided by the Sachar Committee Report regarding social, economic and educational backwardness of Muslims in India. NCERT, has included a chapter on the issue in a social science book for class VIII. The issues discussed in the chapter include how Muslims got marginalised in the Indian society, how they are away from the basic facilities of water, electricity and education. The 7th chapter of the book Social and Political Life deals with socioeconomic and educational conditions of the largest minority in the country in comparison with the Hindu majority. The chapter refers to the Sachar Committee Report and has included its facts and figures.</span>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-46445713974437142922008-09-20T06:11:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:20:54.520-07:00FRANK ADMISSION OF CASTE AMONG MUSLIMS IN NORTH INDIA<div align="justify"><span style="color:#33ffff;">BOOK REVIW</span></div><div align="justify"><span style="color:#33ffff;"> BY : M.A. DELVI BANGALORE</span><br /><span style="color:#ffffff;">It is hazardous to review a book which has the ingredients and potentials of opening a pandora’s box. The book by Masood Alam Falahi falls under this category. To consider caste or social stratification in Muslim society is almost a taboo let alone study and follow its ramifications and impacts on society. The credit goes to Falahi to break this taboo and present this malady in all its crude nakedness. Although studies into the reasons for the persistence of Hindu caste structure, particularly among the middle and low caste converts to Islam were, studied in depth with uncertain results for the reason that the Muslim respondents refused to either admit such stratification or took defensive shelter behind Quranic injunctions. The concept of caste among the Indian Muslims with its attending disabilities and social stratification outside the Hindu fold is enigmatic and requires deeper studies. The book is very comprehensive and deals with the subject thoroughly which includes existence of this malady in the semitic religions in its rudiments.<br /><br />With the advent of Delhi Sultanate, the Muslim society as a state policy adopted the varna cult and thus evolved its own hierarchical caste system in terms of Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal which later consolidated into Syed, Sheikh, Mogul and Pathans.<br />Although in the beginning it was a pure artificial stratification conjured up in the courts of Sultanate for purposes of legitimisation which with the passage of time took roots and established itself as a reality. While the former two castes carry with it a pretentious claim the latter two connotes only their ethnic origin. Their respective ashrafiat ends there. The others were rubble and scum. What was most intriguing was the attitude of the historians of the time like Baruni to the present-day revered personalities like Sir Syed, ulemas of the stature of Moulana Ashraf Ali Thanavi and many others who not only condoned such practices but also practiced it.<br />It was the immigrants from Islamic lands who had monopolised and constituted the superstructure of power with the pretentious claims of Ashraf and the sultanate retained and patronised this social hierarchy for reasons of state craft. The natural fall-out was the formation of a rubble class outside this group. This artificial grouping was a contingency of state craft.<br />Since then Muslims live in two worlds. One an egalitarian where all are equal, the other the substratum which transcends the egalitarian sphere —an ideal Islam and a compromised Islam. But the redeeming feature was the South wherein by and large these practices failed to get the required patronisation from the courts of Sultans. As a matter of fact it fell to the lot of the great saint-king Tupu Sultan to break up this conjured up caste hierarchy. His Ahmadi Risala consisting of converts were given the honorific prefix and affix of Syed and Khan to their names and were settled in his garrison towns all over his domain. In his administration the locals were given precedence over the migrants and for which he had to pay for by his life itself.<br /><br />The one disappointing feature of the book happen to be its concluding chapter which failed to look beyond the Muslim conglomerate. It failed to provide any blueprint of action to break the barriers of religious borders and join hands with identically placed parallel section of the downtrodden and havenots in other societies on a revolutionary platform. The book deserves to be translated in other Indian languages preferably in English.<br />With the coming into print of the Basic Problem of OBC & Dalit Muslims, a well-guarded secret is out. That their exists large section within the fold of ummah who leads a subhuman status and who in the eyes of their ulemas do not deserve to be counted as Muslims at all. This in spite of projecting Islam as an egalitarian religion with its lofty quranic injunctions. The book has been scholarly edited by A.H. Ansari and the articles have been contributed to this volume by persons of eminence in their respective field ranging from academics to social scientists and political activists. Each of the article contributed is a treat in itself.<br />The principal role of class and caste in a religious conglomerate is the principal variable in a social structure of the community.<br />The Indian Muslim society is divided both vertically and horizontally and these divisions determine the society’s interaction between various groups.<br />It is to be noted that the caste structure obtaining among Muslims, especially in the cow belt, is by and large analogus to the hierarchical principle or a replica of Hindu caste system with all the attending disabilities. This in spite of the egalitarian and lofty Islamic principles of equality. The social structure formalised with an Ashraf caste on the top during the Sultanate period continued unabashedly post-mutiny as well. Its greatest protagonists range from Sir Syed Ahmed to plethora of ulemas including figures like Moulana Ashraf Ali Thanavi.<br />With India attaining "independence" and in its wake migration of a predominant section of Ashraf to Pakistan leaving behind the less fortunate to tend their own future there appeared a mobility not seen at any earlier time.<br />The political and social convulsions in Pakistan can be attributed to these Ashraf migrants coupled with the ulema combine are sufficient enough to bring its end sooner than later.<br />There is a subtle shift in this intercaste and intra-caste mobility as it is providing an impetus for interaction with the parallel categories of caste and class in other religious groups. This happen to be a welcome sign in a pluralistic society. Now the term OBC and Dalit which was earlier being used exclusively in respect of "Hindu caste" is now transformed into a class distinction for the Muslim sections of parallel caste or class. This progressive attitude transcending religious barrier is a welcome sign.<br />The most welcome feature of the book being its progressive outlook and a blueprint of action in a pluralistic society. The bold and rebellious exposures of the dark niche, the recesses and the cobwebs crowding the minds of the leadership of the community coupled with exposing the hypocrisy of assertion of equality but practicing an attitude of almost untouchability is the welcome feature.<br />Perhaps it may go a long way in jolting out the political and religious leadership from their smug attitude. Both books are a welcome addition on a subject very rarely traversed.<br /><br />1. HINDUSTHAN MEIN ZATPATH AUR MUSSALMAN<br />(In India, caste & Muslims)<br />Masood Alam Falahi<br />Al-Qazi<br />Abdul Fazl Enclave, New Delhi - 110 025<br />2. BASIC PROBLEMS OF OBC & DALIT MUSLIMS<br />Ashfaq Hussain Ansari<br />Serial Publications, New Delhi</span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8676645243623192351.post-33067878367492016652008-09-20T06:02:00.000-07:002008-09-20T06:11:25.008-07:00BUILDING RESISTANCE TO CULTURAL NATIONALISM : MINORITY PERSPECTIVE<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_fPs9YmYXwGiVZWxeiURGdjXZKT3UNqX6VoRxGV46hrPipORQ93_cR-d-ktv8UtopAt_r1blhi9_Mi5y85hXb6ukYFnSlIa0G8z1e__TPO_VbQYNX1ORqnv6jYUPfmbMFJgqv_B1ZV_o/s1600-h/1.jpg"><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5248090224021305618" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_fPs9YmYXwGiVZWxeiURGdjXZKT3UNqX6VoRxGV46hrPipORQ93_cR-d-ktv8UtopAt_r1blhi9_Mi5y85hXb6ukYFnSlIa0G8z1e__TPO_VbQYNX1ORqnv6jYUPfmbMFJgqv_B1ZV_o/s320/1.jpg" border="0" /></a> <div align="justify"><span style="color:#ff0000;"><strong>NEED FOR PARADIGM SHIFT:<br /></strong></span>I want be personal. There resistance that I speak of is from my own background of being a Christian and a student of social sciences. Having internalized the principles of equality and fraternity both on account of my faith and life, I have been a critique of those who clam superiority in the of religion, status or cast. Both my faith and my discipline of specialization has ingrained in me that striving to build a human community. That is the primary task of all humans and any discrimination is anti-human, anti-national and anti-constitutional. I have no hesitation to assert that the project of cultural nationalism is an anti-constitutional and anti-human project that needs to be denounced and opposed if we are committed to the constitutional project of equality, fraternity and justice offered to us by Sri B.R.Ambedkar, the architect of the constitution of India.<br />In a situation, where both institutional and physical violence continues across the country with increasing number of atrocities on the subaltern communities, I am proud to be what I am. In number programmes and conferences, I have asserted by identity as Christian. Even if I do not assert my identity, my name makes it clear my roots and my faith. There is humanity and universality both in my faith and the discipline I work with. Just Like me there are other groups and communities of people in India who are not a part of a legacy of hate and intolerance. I am comfortable in their presence and they have enriched my life and the life of the community. We are a nation of difference communities. To be different is to enrich and to learn from others. We have learnt and valued diversity as a way of life. That is what the constitution clearly mandates. The dominant cultural nationalism which in fact is a minority nationalism, has been our main enemy that has advocated unity in uniformity, Which is an attack on the constitution of the land and its people. Given the multiplicity of communities in india, no single culture can be allowed to be imposed on the land. The attempts to impose a single cultural is real and unless and until communities assert for their specific space with their identity, India may experience greater violence and bloodshed. The two reasons why a caste cultural characterized as cultural nationalism is to be opposed is that it is primarily a culture of a small minority that threatens the cultures of others and another important reason is that it is oppressive cultural premised on hierarchy, hate and violence. Without a paradigm shift from uniformity to diversity, hierarchy to egalitarianism and from intolerance to affirmation, we cannot be a nation of equals. Economic progress and development is bound to affect. Since the country belongs to all, all communities in India must assert for a place of their own not as a concession but as a right. All said and done, this country is a country of the subalterns- the tribals and the dalith’s, the minorities and the backwards. Any attempt to divest the subalterns from their ownership of the country and its resources through myths, beliefs and dogmas need to be resisted.</div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ff0000;"><strong>WE ARE PROUD TO BE MINORITIES:</strong><br /></span>Let me now place certain facts about India. 16.2% of India’s population is dalith’s Nearly 60% of dalith’s live in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu states. Though provided with the lowest rank in Hindu society, beneath the traditional caste system, they are termed as Hindus for political reasons and expected to perform the most menial jobs, particularly handing cadavers and human and animal waste. Physical contact with a Dalith is still considered ritually polluting for other castes even after 60 years of independence. Without being Hindus, they have been termed as Hindus without their consent. Even converts to Christianity and Islam have country and discriminated. Christians are 2.1% with a distinct culture of their own. The backwards constitute 54% of the population. All these groups are different with their own culture and yet 90% of Indians are called Hindus and they live on the dictates of the caste masters who do not number more than 3% of India. The upper caste Brahmins and their indoctrinated followers vehemently oppose any challenge to the caste hegemony. In terms of culture, the subaltern culture is related to the productive processes. It is a culture of work and toil, celebration and togetherness. The subalterns without any gain do the entire process of production. The dominant group manages it, living in accordance with the dictates of the Brahmancial social order and inflicting pain and torture on the producers of wealth. In contrast to the subaltern way of life centered on farms and fields, with interaction with the productive processes, the Brahmanical way of life is ritualistic, premised on myths, beliefs and dogmas centered on temples and excessively individualistic, selfish and corrupt. Since the subalterns are involved in production, subalterns philosophy of life is liberative, producing food for the hungry, living a life of sharing and caring, with qualities of public and social good. On the other, the cultural nationalists are parasites, living on the labours of the subalterns by manipulating the social order with their exploitative and ritualistic way of life. The present exploitation of the subalterns is due to the internalization of the Brahmanic philosophy of hate and intolerance by the subalterns. The need is to internally to break out from those internalized dogmas of the heart and mind and work on a collective new philosophy of life.</div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="color:#ff0000;"><strong>CONVERSIONS ARE A WEAPON OF RESISTANCE :</strong><br /></span>See how the Brahmanical social order controls the minds and hearts of the subalterns. Just take the example of conversions. Dalith’s have not been Hindus. And yet when they embrace a religion of their choice, there is reistance. There are told that they are Hindus and they have no right to move away from the religion of their birth. Who has defined that religion of their birth? Not the subalterns or the discriminated groups. The discrimination is so immense, that discrimination groups have not even been allowed to society and polity function is an indicator of the manner in which the communal forces have made inroads into the polity.<br />HINDUTVA IS ANTI-CULTURAL:<br />Why is hindutva nationalism against conversions? Reasons may have lot to do with economics. Dalith’s when they move away from hierarchical religion of Brahmanism and move into egalitarian religions, their self-image changes. As they get educated, they are not prepared to accept the caste masters Those who fattened themselves with free labor for centuries in their unjustly inherited property are threatened by demands of fair wages and refusal to do menial jobs. Otherwise why should conversions threaten anybody in the country? If the Brahmanic social order says they oppose it on ground of culture, it is important to educate them on the meaning of culture. Culture is an expression of human aspiration and values in the form of literature, performing arts, living patterns, religious practices and a gamut of activities related to human social life. One has never heard of RSS promoting, literature, arts, song, and dance of subaltern communities. On the other hand, they have been known as destroyers of culture. They have been in the forefront of destroying artistic paintings, Maqbool Fida Hussein’s Gufa in Ahmadabad, attacking the Ram Katha panels of sahmat exhibition, disrupting Gazal concerts of Gulam Ali, preventing the filming of Deepa Mehta’s film Water and to cap it all in destroying an architectural heritage of Babri Masjid. The game plan in communalizing the Sufi shrine for political mileage in Baba Budan Giri, where all irrespective of religions paid their respect to the mystics is well documented in Karnataka. There have been attacks on Ambedkar statues and chiristian Churches, dalith’s groups and congregation of Christians. Can these destroyers of culture expressions be called cultural by any sense of the word? Its ‘culture’ has politics oozing from every nook and corner of its fields of activity. The RSS culture is disguised politics, a cleverer way to achieve its goal of strengthening caste order by remaining insulated from the adverse effects of those political actions. It has been banned on occasions for its political interventions in society, Gandhi murder, after Babri demolition, which was spearhead by its progenies VHP, BJP and Bajrang Dal including many a luminaries who came to occupy the positions of power. And yet even without being in power it is able to control politics through various mechanisms. Several state Government are majoritarian government. It is because they are majoritarian, Gujarat happened and riots in Mangalore continued for a week. In the states where BJP government rule, the process of communalization goes on in to gear. With the employees being openly participating in RSS, the divisive processes will move faster and running the administration on the lines of Indian Constitution will become all the more difficult.</div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">WAY OF KANSHI RAM:</span></strong><br />How do we resist this game plan to demolish the secular edifice of the country laid by Sri. B.R.Ambedkar through gifting the constitution? One of the ways is the way of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar,perfected by Sri Kanshi Ram. With the birth of Bahujan Samaj in 1984, Dalits came to discard the worship of gods and goddesses of Hinduism in Uttar Pradesh. Define their identity and choose a faith of their own. Their identity has been defined by the hindutvavadis and it is the duty of the Dalits and others to live according to those dictates if they have to survive. It is an abominable situation. There cannot be a country where others define the identity of people and individuals have no choices. This is the biggest human right violation. Thousands of Dalits, defying that social norm, in recent years, have been attending mass ceremonies of conversions as a sign of protest against caste and discrimination. More than religious events, these have been political moments in the assertion of the Dalits for dignity and equality. The recent event on 14th October 2006, 50th anniversary of the adoption of Buddhism by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in the central city of Nagpur, which received international coverage, where more than five thousand Dalits converted to Buddhism and Christianity, were a part of a protest against the injustices of India’s caste system. He was the first prominent Dalith to urge low-caste Indians to embrace Buddhism. As the chief architect of Indian’s constitution, he wrote anti-discrimination provisions and quota systems into the country’s law. Dalits arrived by the truckload at a public park in Nagpur for ceremonies, which began with religious leaders giving fiery speeches against the treatment of lower castes. The states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Tamilnadu have all passed laws restricting conversions. Gujarat has reclassified Buddhism and Jainism as branches of the Hindu religion, in an attempt to prevent conversions away from Hinduism eroding the BJP’s bedrock support. Officially, caste discrimination was outlawed when India gained independence in 1947, but many of the country’s 180 million Dalits know that people’s attitudes towards them remain the same. They are still often expected to do the most menial jobs In many villages, they are also prevented from drinking water from wells used by high caste Hindus. They are not attended to in public schools and the public restaurants are still not open to them.</div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">STATE IS A HINDUTVA WEAPON:<br /></span></strong>The second incident that comes to my mind is the September 2006 measure of the Madhya Pradesh Government to life the ban on the civil servants joining RSS and participating in its activities. Civil servants are banned from participating in the political organizations since it is a communal group. In Gujarat when this permission was granted in January 2000, the president on receiving the protests intervened. Mr. Vajapayee prevailed upon the state BJP and got this permission revoked. Now chouhan Government in MP has lifted the ban. Government servants can now join and carry on the RSS work openly. The measure is to infiltrate into various of the state apparatus by sending its trained swayamsevaks to work in different areas of bureaucracy in states as well as at Center. Already the ‘social common sense’ is so doctored that in the times of violence a big chunk of police and other state officials aid and abet the violence against minorities, putting aside the norms of constitution and even the civic decency. The role of RSS and the complicity of police and other officials in the anti minority programmes whether it is a Gujarat or recently in Mangalore is well known. A measure of the kind will open the floodgates for the total communalization of the civil service, which is the backbone of the state apparatus. This is happening in an aggressive way. By fact of being born a Hindu, irrespective of the caste, the Hindu offers adherence to the Brahmanical way of life. Each one has come to accept one’s position into the caste hierarchy. The Sangh Parivar has capitalized on the beliefs of the caste order by the masses and has transformed the political order in to a hindutva order. The way various bodies both in the BSP voters came to discard posters/ calendars depicting Hindu Gods and Goddesses. Busts of Lord Buddha and Ambedkar replaced the little local deities. This transformation took place in most of the villages of uttar Pradesh in three years. As a result by the beginning of 1990, a Dalith middle class had become visible in UP, though in embryonic from. The newly empowered Daliths entered the mainstream society with a mainstream religion. By mid-90s, from most BSP homes, Hindu Gods and Goddesses had fled making place to Ambedkar and a Lord Buddha. Kanshi Ram did nothing publicly to convert to Buddhism. This miracle occurred in less then decade. I am not saying people should or should not covert. That is left to the people. However, if Kanshi Ram had lived a few more years, he might have led millions of Dalits to convert publicly the way Baba Saheb did. Is conversion, a public way of denouncing caste and caste oppression? I tend to believe and it has revolutionary impacts. The symbols of Ambedkar, Buddha, Jesus Christ, Phule and Periyar are symbols of revolution and a new social order that threatens the existing system and challenges the very premises on which it is premised.<br />After B.R. Ambedkar, there has not been any other individual in the past hundred years who has impacted millions of minds the way Kanshi Ram did. No BSP voter lifts dead animals any more. If a cow, buffalo or bullock died in a village, irrespective their owners, Dalits were required to lift them and throw in the fields outside the village. That was the caste tradition. The BSP voters stopped doing that by mid-90s. Today non-Dalits collect their own people to load dead animals on a tractor or bullock cart and dispose them in the fields. Emancipation from this age-old humiliating practice restored the Dalit esteem. Kanshi Ram was a university of emancipation. He overturned Brahmanism upside down. In pre-BSP times, most Dalit politicians of UP desiring to become MLA/MPs would surrender their individuality and dignity at the doorsteps of mainstream political parties. Their acts of submission would cause humiliation to the entire community. Kanshi Ram scripted a situation where hoards of non-Dalit politicians desiring to become MLA/MPs would fall on the feet of the BSP. This act restored esteem among the Dalits. A Dalit could now look at his non-Dalit fellow and smile. Not knowing how to deal with this exceptionally new situation, the non-Dalit intelligentsia has begun accusing the BSP of practicing Brahmanism. Nay, it wasn’t and it isn’t. Kanshi Ram had, in fact, overturned the Brahmanical notion of ‘falling on the feet’. In less then two decades, Kanshi Ram made UP Dalits walk with their heads high. The challenge for all of us is to critically examine the path Kanshi Ram as shown and work on it.</div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><strong><span style="color:#ff0000;">EDUCATE-AGITATE-ORGANIZE:</span></strong><br />That needs education, on education that is not imparted in the classrooms. Classroom education is Brahmanncal with every aspect of oppression present in it. It provides no enlightenment to the mind and thus not an education that would help to challenge the system. To challenge the system, we need to challenge the symbols of region, symbols of hierachy as Kanshi Ram did and place them with alternative symbols. Educate-Agitate and Organize is an Ambedkar its slogan perfected by Sri Kanshi Ram. There is pedagogy here, a way of life and a path to resistance. The DMK movement was more radical in tamilnadu in the sixties and seventies. As a mark of protest they destroyed statues of Hindu gods and goddesses, denounced Brahmanism and the two languages of Sanskrit and Hindi associated with the local Brahmins and the North Indians upper caste and through the Dravida movement educated people of the rich culture of the Dravidians, the original people of India. Through protests on the streets, writings in papers and journals that were started fro the purpose, scholars and politicians of the Dravida movement denounced the exploitative caste culture and announced a culture of subalterns, diverse in content and nature, Yet unifying with universal principals of affirmation, unity, oneness and human equality.<br />The entry into institutions of the state and society is equally important. Education should make it possible to the Subalterns to direct the destinies of the country. Conscientiousness at the social level should make it possible for the minorities and subalterns to make into the positions of power. Once the group acquires political power, the institutions of the state can be liberated from the ideologues of the Sangh Parivar. An alternative ideology of the Bahujans will come to rule in the place of the fewjans and provide liberation to the masses chained and imprisoned by the doctrines of caste and hierarchy.<br />The way of resistance is hard and needs persistence. And yet when all the discriminated groups come together on a philosophy of egalitarianism with new symbols and images, a new India can be created; a different world as visualized by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar-of equality, fraternity, community and diversity is possible. Let me conclude with those works of Rabindranath Tagore "Into that heaven of freedom, let this country awake". Let us awake, let us dream and let us venture out and challenge caste, hierarchy and all its symbols, myths, beliefs and dogmas.</div><br /><div align="justify"><br /><span style="font-family:arial;color:#ffff33;"><strong>-Dr. Ambrose Pinto</strong></span></div>the muslimhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16903211509601608912noreply@blogger.com0